5 65" 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 

f ||||||||||i || II III! Ill 




012 608 442 



Hollinger 
oH S3 



THE UNIFORM RECORD 



OF 



ALL POLITICAL PARTIES 



IN MAINE 



DOWN TO 1856, 



IN 



OPPOSITION TO HUMAN SLAVERY. 



SPEECH 



or 



EON. FKANCIS 0. J. SMITH. 



TO TEIE 



REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTION, 

Holden in Portland, July 8, 1856. 



SPEECH. 



Mr. President and Fellow Citizens; countenanced no measure, that is no 

I regret the necessity I have been un- square up to the great requirements of 

der of commencing to address you at the great cause of human freedom, 

such an inopportune hour. I will then We have a right to be proud as a 

detain you but in a few words. I do State, of the record which he has made 

congratulate you, one and all; I con- there, and before the country, for our 

gratulate one and all, the independent State In honoring such a man, we 

freemen and electors of Maine, on the do most honor ourselves, 

nomination that has this dav been rHaia M , « -.k i a .u 

[Here Mr. Smith remarked, that as it was the 

made for the Office of Governor. appropriate hour, about 6 o'clock, for an intermix 

It is a nomination most eminently 8 '° n . if the assembly, through the President, 

"fit to be made." It is a nomination would consent t0 an ild Jo" r nment, he would meet 

.•_ ,, j . , j . ., c ,, them and address them more at large ihnn he could 

that nobly, and truly, and truthfully ,. . . . , . . . r M . 

" J ' J otherwise bs expected to do. An adjournment 

represents THE GREAT CAUSE OF HUMAN was accordingly made for an hour and a half, 

FREEDOM! tO the Support of Which the whea the City Hall was jammed to its utmost ca- 

freernen of this State are now chal- P icit 7- Mr. Smith came into the HJi about 8 

i i v ,i_ -j j o'clock, and on being announced, was received 

lenged by the myrmidons and syco- ... 6 . , . 

* * * with the most rapturous applause bv the whole as- 

phatltS Of the Slave power at thefeouth. 8embly . W h,n these demonstrations of enthusi- 

YOU have accepted the challenge, and asm subsided, a profound stillness pervaded the 

raised your banner ready for the fight. va8t audience, so that, except in occasional om- 

Of Mr. Hamlin, you have nominat- breaks ° r a PP Iause of tho s P^ aker ' lhe fd " of a 

, r j-* . ii P' n would have been noticed throughout a speech 

ed for uovernor, it may be said, per- nf mnr ,, . . w , , r 

J ' r ot more than two hours. We never bef>re wit- 

haps With more emphasis than of any nessed such marked and profound attention in a 

Other mail, that he has done our State co course of people so vast. He proceeded as 

great service. Through a succession foIlow8 

of years, and from the first hour he Ma. President and Fellow Citizens; 
entered that high and august body of When you indulged me with an in- 
legislators, where the State Commis- termission this afternoon, I was about 
sioned him to represent you, he has to call your most serious and thought- 
given no vote, uttered no sentiment, ful attention to the past record of our 



people, as a proud and patriotic State, 
and also to the past records which they 
have made as party politicians, under 
both Whig and Democratic organiza- 
tions. There is in these records much 
that is worthy of your most careful 
revision and remembrance. For I 
hold, that next to the religion of a 
people, their politicalprinciples are en- 
titled to be regarded as resting upon 
grave realities; and the record of them 
should be such as to be cherished and 
consulted with patriotic pride by us 
all. It is well for us to talk often with 
the past. And the reputation of our 
State before the world, and upon the 
pages of history, should be to every 
honest mind a sacred portion of the in- 
heritance which he is directly interest- 
ed to preserve and defend for his chil- 
dren and for society. 

If we compute the aggregate num- 
ber of individuals in our State, who 
are filling offices in the State Govern- 
ment, we may find it to be perhaps 
five hundred. Include all the offices 
that are filled in our towns, large and 
small, we may estimate theoffice hold- 
ers in our State to number 1500 per- 
haps 2,000. But call them 3,000. 
And we here have the utmost number 
who are immediately interested in the 
emoluments of public office. Our ag- 
gregate population at this time approx- 
imates 000,000. We have as it will 
probably appear in our approaching 
election 140,000 voting men in the 
State. How small indeed is this num- 
ber of 3,000 officeholders in a popula- 
tion of 600,000 souls, and a voting list 
of 140,000, who can have an interest 
for the sake of personal gain, in per- 
mitting the proud history and reputa- 
tion of our State to be stained and 



degraded, by placing the State politi- 
cally before the country and the 
world, in a false position ! In a con- 
dition of direct opposition to the hon 
est humanity of our people ! 

I then have a right to call upon men 
of all parties and of all religions, to 
look with me into the past history of 
the politics of our State, and see anew 
— call carefully up to their remem- 
brance, what have been the declared 
sentiments of our people as a State, 
what the declared principles of our 
people as political partizansalso, upon 
this great and now all absorbing ques- 
tion of human liberty and human bon- 
dage. 

And here I will make the assertion, 
and I challenge any man and every 
man. be he a writer, a speaker, editor, 
or partizan of any and of whatever 
party,for proofs in contradiction of me, 
I here assert, that never, until the year 
1856 had dawned upon the State, has 
one sentiment, or one principle been 
enunciated in the name of the State* 
or in the name of any political party, 
or religion, or other association what- 
soever, within the State, adverse to the 
sentiment and principles of human 
freedom, which you have this day an- 
nounced as the platform upon which 
you rest the nomination of your can- 
didate for Governor. 

Upon this great question, the record 
of our State, and of our people, is 
pure ! And it is a record of which 
our people before the world, and before 
God, may well be proud ! As one of 
her humble citizens, I do feel proud of 
it ! And that man, claiming to be a 
freeman, who would put into the bal- 
lot box of his town, a ballet to alter, 
reverse and to stain that record, may 



well feel hat he is no longer worthy 
to be a freeman, and if his hand with 
that ballot were blackened with palsy, 
he might well own there would be jus- 
tice in the vengeance ! 

I will call your thoughts now to a 
few indisputable facts, which this re- 
cord of the State furnishes. Mr. 
Hamltn, your nominee, was elected to 
the Senate of the United States first, 
to fill a vacancy, occasioned by the 
death of Mr. Fairfield in 1847. The 
term he was thus elected to complete 
expired in 1851. It devolved upon 
the Legislature of 1850 to elect a Sen- 
ator for the succeeding term. That 
legislature was elected in September, 
18°49. In June, 1S49, the Democratic 
State Convention was holden, consist- 
ing of six hundred delegates, and here 
in this Hall, beneath this same roof, 
that covers us, were passed in the 
name of the Democracy of Maine, 
those two emphatic resolutions in favor 
of freedom and against slavery, and 
the extension of slavery into free ter- 
ritory, which your convention this day 
has incorporated into and made the 
platform upon which your candidate 
for Governor is presented to the peo- 
ple ! 

In 1849 these resolutions— this plat- 
form of freedom was democratic— pure 
democracy ! Can they be otherwise in 
1856 ? Are they made less so, because 
the friends and supporters of Fremont? 
and Dayton, approve, adopt and make 
these resolutions their own? Where 
else than upon these resolutions — 
where else than upon this platform, 
ought all, who still claim to be demo- 
crats, in our State, to be found now. if 
they are not within the temptations of 
public office to drag them off— if they 



do not desire to be false to their own 
honest convictions upon this question 
of slavery — if they do not wish to 
trample under foot the proud record of 
our State I 

But I need not rehearse these reso- 
lutions,* for 1 have another passage of 

* These resolutions were as follows : 
Reso ved, That the institution of hu- 
man slavery is at variance with Ihe theo- 
ry of our Government, abhorrant to the 
common sentiment oi mnnkind, and 
fraucht with danger to all who come 
within the sphere of its influence ; 
that the federal government possesses 
adequate power to inhibt its existence 
in the territories of the Union ; that 
the constitutionality of this power 
has been settled by judicial construc- 
tion, by contemporaneous expositions, 
and by repeated acts of legislation; 
and that we enjoin upon our Senators and 
Representatives iu Congress to make eve- 
ry exertion and employ all their influence 
to procure the passage of a law forever 
excludins slavery from the territories of 
Californfa and New Mexico. 

Resolved, That while we most cheerfully 
concede to our Southern brethren the 
risht on all occasions, to speak and act 
with entire freedom on questions con- 
nected with slavery in the territories, we 
claim the exercise of the same right for 
ourselves', and any attempt, from any 
quarter, to stigmatise us or our Represen- 
tatives for advocating or defending the 
opinions of our people upon this subject, 
will be rapelled as an unwarrantable act 
of aggression upou the rights of the 
citizens of this Stale. 

That the readers of this Speech may have the 
means of tracing out men aud names, at this junc- 
ture, that may be known to them, that were actors 
in penning these same two resolutions in the Demi 
ocratic Convention of 1849, which the Republi- 
can, Fremont and Da.yton, and Hamlin 
Convention of 1856 have adopted and re-pn claim- 
ed, a list of the delegates, being 607, who attend- 
ed the former Convention is hereto appended — 
The resolutions were by this 1849 Convention 
adopted with only one dessenting voice, one Bion 
Bradbury, Esq. ot Eastport. The delegates 
were as follows : 

Aroostook. Plymouth grant, C. Bradlord ; 
Leavit pi., Samuel G Tuck; Letter A, range 2, L 
D Harmon; N. 11, Varnum Putnam; Kuckebema 
plan, Jesse Gilman; New Limerick, Hiram M Ea- 
ton; Mo.iticello, J C Willington; Smyrna, Levi 
Berry, jr; Van Buren pi, John R Graves; No. 12 r 
3, Joel Dodge; Haynesville, Josiah Jellison; Pres- 
que Isle, G W Towle; Houlton, Shcphard Cary; 
Nelson, Herrin; Portage Lake, John L Cilley; 
Masardis, Stephen P Hose; Hancock pi, Daniel 
Savage; No. 11 pi, G W Smith; Westfield pi, C 
A Jordan; Maple Grove, Win H Flanders; Salmon 
Brook pi, VVm Towle; Amity, Columbus Dunn; 
Williams col grant pi, Lewis Delette; Portland 



democratic history — of history , which and justly to sacrifice themselves, their 
all democrats who reflect too seriously consciences and their votes to the vas- 



acad gr pi, Wm Carter; Crystal pi, John V Put- 
nam ; Orient, James Sundee; Linneus, Thomas 
Nicholson; Bridgwater pi, Thomas P Packard; 
Bancroft, Joseph E Shorey; let H pi, Ivory Hardi- 
son; No. 12, r 4, Daniel Lord; Belfast a< ad gr, 
Melzar Drake; Madawaska pi, Francis Thibod^au, 
W P Vinal; Molnnkas, Hiram Hawes; No. 8 r 8, 
Sonah Spofford; Reed pi, Abram M Miles; Bene- 
dicta pi, James Ryan; Golden Ridge, B L Staples; 
Let D, Mark Trafton; Hodgdon, Joseph R Haven; 
No. 5, r 3, Lysander Strickland; No. 11, r 6, J S 
Thompson: Dayton pi, James Brown; No. 9, r 6, 
Ira Fish; Weston, Joseph Foss; No. 1, r 5, Wm 
A Washburn ; Let I, r 2, Wm Trundy ; No 6, r 4, 
John Dorsey : Framingham acad gr, S H Peavy ; 
No. 13, r 15, P G Chase. 

Cumberland. Auburn, Thomas J Howard and 
NaShan Woodbury; Bridgton, Sewall C Siroutand 
George G Wight; Brunswick, Robert P Dunl»p, T 
S McLellan and James Otis; Casco, Richard May- 
bury ; Cape Elizabeth, Samuel M Skillin, Hiram 
Staples; Cumberland, G M Sturdivant, Moses 
Leighton; Danville, Elijah L Townsend; Durham, 
Jas Strout, Chas C Cobb; Freeport, Nuh'l Curtis, 
Rufus Soule; Falmouth, John Williams, Jeremiah 
Hall; Gorham, Hugh D McLellan, Dan'l C Emery, 
John Lewis; Gray, Sam'l Mayall, Moses Palmer; 
Harpsvvel', Alex Ewes, J E Dunnells; Harrison, C 
Caswell ; Minot, Eliner W Harris; New Glouces- 
ter, Benj H Mace, Benj Morse; North Yarmouth, 
James C Hill, William C Storer; Naples, Wash- 
ington Brav; Of' afield, Joseph Lombard; Poland, 
David Dunn, David W True; Portlai d, Ezra Car- 
ter, Jr, Edward Fox, Sam'l J Anderson, Benjmin 
Larrab a e, George McAllister, John Yeaton, Allen 
H '.he', L De M Sweat,James T McCobb, Benj. 
Kingshury, jr, George T Hedge; Pownal, Sam'l 
S Troy; Raymond, Sam'l S Brown; Scarborough, 
John Larrabee, John S Larrabee; Sebago, John E 
McDonald; Standish, Wm H Lowell, Josiah Moul 
ton; Westbrook, Levi Morrill, Geo Libby, Aaron 
Q.aimby; Wtndham, D P Baker, Ezra Brown. 

Franklin. Freeman, E II Oliver; Industrv, J 
C Manter; Weld, John Robinson; Chcsterville, 
Wm Whiter; Jay, Daniel Merritt.Aru a Holmes; 
No. 3, range 2, John Haley, jr; Stroi g, Luther 
Sweatland; Temple, Wm Nye; Avon, J E Bates; 
Carthage, Wm Winter; Salem, James Davis; 
Madrid, Sylvanus Dunham; No. 1, range 3, Wm. 
Chism; No. 1 range 1,S F Hinkley; Wilton,Enoch 
Scales, Thomas Hender; New Sharon, H E Dyer, 
Chas Follsnsbee; No. 2, range 2, John W Lowell; 
Jackson pi, B B Mace; P/rillips, M Sherbourne, D 
Howard; No. 1, range 4, Stewart Foster; No. 1, 
range 3, West of Bing Purchase, B L Morrison; 
Farmington, A B Caswell, Henry Clark; pi No. 6, 
James R Pratt, jr; Letter E, Ephraim Rand. 

Hancock. Tremont, Eaton Clark; No. 21 pi, 
Wm Mace; Surry, Leonard Jarvis; Franklin, Sa- 
bine J Hardison; Gouldsboro', J L Hovey; Cran- 
bejry Isles, James F Rawson; Mariaville, Arno 
VViswel!; Eastbrook, Moses Smith; Sullivan, Josiah 
Bean; Aurora, James Wallace; Castine, Geo L 
Vose; Trenton, Geo W Newbegin; Greenfield, 
Sylvanus Tvvitchell; Amherst, Geo F Foster; 
Mount Desert, John M Noyes; Bucksport, John 



Lee, Burnham Wardwell, Amos Smith; Otis, Benj 
DavisS Waltham, Jotbam S Dyer; Eden, Isaac *H 
Thomas; Ellsworth, Tho's D. Jones, Samuel K 
Whiting; Hancock, Wm Burnett; Brooksville, 
Erastus Redman; Orland, Parker Tack; Bluehill, 
F A Holt Alex Fulton; Wetmore Isle pi, Richard 
C Abbott; No. 2, Chas Littlefield. 

Kennebec. Monmouth, J Blake, J Cupston; 
Wayne, J E F Dunn; Pitiston, G H Rabinson, S 
Young; China, J H Brackett, John Hatch; Litch- 
field, John Randall, E Hatch; Vassalboro', E 
Small, G Aillsbury; Greene, Ingersoll Parker; 
Leeds, O D Turner Josiah Day, 2d; Belgrade, 
Richard Mills, C S Buckley; East Livermore^ Gid- 
eon Hinkley; Readfield, A P Morrill, J R Bachel- 
der; Albion, L. Blake, D B Fuller; Hallowell, E 
E Rice, .1 H Withington, D H Goodno, Isaae 
Foster; Mt Vernon, G Taggart; Windsor, Veranus 
Pierce, Samuel R Cottle; Winslow, A J Dingley, 
.T H Drummond; Sidney, E G Morrison, Orrtn 
Rowe; Waterville,Paul L Chandler, Joseph Nudd.) 
Wales, Samuel Larabee; Gardiner, N Hutchins, 
Stephen Webber, R Thompson, G W Bachelder, 
Fayette, R B Dunn; Sebasticook, J C Hudson; 
Winthrop, Oliver Foster, Jona Wnitney; Cli: ton, 
Ch<<s Jewett, Wm G Miller; Clinton Gore, Nelson 
Hunter; Augusta, Lot M Morrill, J A Thompson; 
Gilman Smith; J S Turner; Rome, P H Gilbert 

Lincoln. Alna, Oakes Rundlett; Arrowsic; 
John Fisher; Bath, Wm. V. Moses, J W Frye, 
G orge M Jewell, Hiram Turner; Boothbav, Rob- 
ert Spinny, Moses R White; Bowdoinham, J W 
Russell, Josiah M Merrovv; Bowdoin, Elisha Pat- 
terson, Enoch Rig!*s; Bremen, Wait \\ Keen; 
Bristol, Peaslee M Wells, Elisha Hatch; Cushing, 
James Payson; Dresden, Elihu Hatch, hlwell 
Costellow; Damariscotta, Benj Chapman; Edge- 
comb, Joseph Merry; Georgetown, Moses Riggs; 
Jefferson, Leander Weeks, Albert Bichardson; 
Lewiston, Charles Millett, Benj Dunn; Lisbon, 
James Booker, Jacob Gould jr: Newcastle. E W 
B .rker, Isaac C Washburn; Nobleboro', David 
Hall, Lot Chapman; Philipsburg, Aaron D Young, 
Chas W Patten ; Perkins, Danl Witham ; Richmond 
John B Stuart, John A Plummer; St. George, Ira 
M. Gilman, Levi Smalley; Thomaston, Edwin 
Rose, Joseph Berry; East Thomaston, Iddo K 
Kimball, Edwin S Hovey; South Thomaston, 
Henry Spaulding; Topsham, Joseph Merrill, Wm 
Ricker; Townsend, Wm Pierce; Union, Christo- 
pher Young, Jhon Lermond; Waldoboro', Thomas 
Simmons, John Balch, Wm GReed; Warren, 
Joshua Patterson, John W Smith; Washington, 
Charles Reed, John B Rust; Webster, R D Jones 
West Bath, Nelson Ham, Chas Clifford, sub 
Westport, Danl McKenny, Whitefield, W F Carl 
ton, J Y Norris: VViscasset, Arnold Blaney, Dan. 
iel Carr; Woolwich, Benj FTallman; Patrick- 
town, Wellington Nelson; Monhegan, Joseph 
Stertling; Muscle Ridge, A K P Higgins. 

Oxford. Albany, Samuel Brown* Andover, 
Farnum Abbott; Bethel, Abernethy Grover, Mig- 
hell Mason; Brownfield, Elijah Bradbury; Buck- 
field, H M Hutchinson, Sydenham Bridgham; 
Byron, Hosea Austin; Canton, William Thomp- 
son: Dixfield, Geo W Turner; Denmark, Samue 



dilating interests of mere parly lead- proud of it. And this is its origin and 
ers, may well be proud of, as I am character. The same Democratic 

Gibson; Fryburg, H D E Hutghins, E L Osgood; Jona J Hant; Sangerville, Abner Oaks; Gulford, 
Greenwood, Samnel H Houghton; Gillead, James Joseph Kelsey; Shirley, David Marble; Abbot, J 
Burbank; Hartford, Sampson Reed; Hebron, Sul- S Monroe; Williamsburg, John A Dunning, Se- 
livnn Bicknell, Hiram, N B Hubbard; Hanover, A bee, Joseph Chase; Monson, James Bell; Fox- 
R Knapp; Lovell D G Towne; Livermore, Lea croft, Lyman Lee; Plantation No 3, Range 5, 
Strickland, Daniel W Ludden; Mexico, John M IFilliatn Muzzy; Lett.r B, Range 10, T H Wor- 
Eustic; Mason, Solomon Everett; Newry. Albert ci ter; Barnard, Alva, i ]Fin». 
H Small; Norway, Luther F Pike, Otis True -Ox- Somerset. Hartland, R Gower; Lexington, 
ford, Benajah Pratt; Paris, Hiram Hubbard, Amer- Thomas Hutching Embden, J Steavens, Jr.; 
ica Thayer; Peru, Robinson Turner; Porter, Nath'l Cornville, D Paine; Bingham, H^McIntire; Afl- 
Roonds; Rumford, Lyman Rauson; Roxbury, s on,ThosM Greenli.'f; Ripley, J Hale; Solon, 
John Reed; Stoneham, E E Barker; Stow, Eben- Wm C McFadden: Detroit, J C fFarren; Brigh- 
exer P Nutter; Sumner, Jeremiah Howe; Sweden, ton;Sam'l Waterhouse; St Albane, J Wilehire; 
Thos Trull; Turner, Philo Clark, S P McKenny; Concord, DS Witnatn; Pittsfield, R Hunter, 
Waterford, Elbridge Gerry; Woodstock, G VV Fairfield. Nathan Fowler, J Kendall; Norridge- 
Cashman; Hamlin's Grant, DHCrockett;Andover wock, Thos C Jones, M H Pike; Palmyra, J S 
North Surplus, Joseph Morse, Letter B Enoch Ab- Ney; Bloomfield, A Weston; Canaan, Levi John- 
bott; Riley Plantation, Alonzo Fairfield; Lryeburg BOn ; Madison, C Fletrher, A F Churchill; Smith- 
Aoademy Grant, Edmund F Moines; Milton, JB field, J W Varney; Moscow, J S Nirhols; Skow- 
Greenleaf; Franklin PI E R Hopkins; Letter A, hegan, J Marden.S Haywood; Mercer,D Clark; 
No. 2, Jas Brown. North Anson, D Bunker; Athens, L D F Palmer; 

Penobscot. Bangor, Hastings Strickland, John Jjarmony, A Stevens; Forks PI., N W Burnhara, 
McDonald, Benj Wiggin. D F Leavitt, Sam'l H No 1 range 2, West of Ken. River, J A Went- 
Blake, Oliver Frost; Corinth, John Thissel, Ches- worth; No 1 range 3, E Ken. River, Sam'l Moor, 
ter, Andrew J Heald; Lagrange, Columbus Fos- No 2 North Div. Bing Pur , C Littlefield; PI No 
ter; Maxfield, Thos P Banker; Eddinton, John S 2 Jomes N Weils. 

Comins; Lee, Edward Bowles; Mattamiscontis, ' Waldo. Appleton, Ambrose Arnold and John 
DanM W Vcut; Passadumkeag, Alvin Haynes, Hanley; Palermo, Nathan Worthing and Jacob 
2d; Glenbum, Andrew Miner; Enfield, NathM Web- Buffum; Thorndike, Jas D Lamson; JS.ooks, 
stcr; Bradley, Horace Blackman; Bradford, Jos Leonard Rovve; North Haven, David Smith; 
Chadbourne, Lincoln, Jas H Bowler; Orrington, Burnham, William Milikea: Waldo, George C 
Dan'l Nickerson, Jas L Alwood; Lowell, Jos Harding; Liberty. William Sanborn; Lincolnville 
Stickney, Carmel, Hiram Ruggles; Springfield, John Hodhdon and Francis Flecihtr 2d; North- 
Francis A Reed; Brewer, Edward H Burr, Noah port. James Lankester; Jackson, Ruben Deer- 
Hanson; Patten, Ichabod Morrill; Argyle, Jere- mg; Frankfort, Uptnn Treat, F D Huntress and 
miah M Frees; Burlington, Isaac Hanson; Char- George H Hall; Knox. J F Elliot. Searsport, 
leston, EM Thurston; Hampden, Dan'l Emery; William McGilvery and John C Black; Cam- 
Zebulon Young; Hermon, L D Phillips; Exeter, der>, Ephram K Smart, C Young, Jr. and PJ 
Sam'l N Woodman, Noah Baker; Kirkland, Sul- Carleton; Prospect, P Simonton and Joseph Mud- 
livan Patterson; Howland, Wm R Miller; Ply- get t; Troy, Jesse Smart; Monroe, Horace Mc 
mouth, Jas Woodman; Newburg, Wm Miller; Kinney and Asa Thurlough; Montville, Geo N 
L«vant, C W Piper; Dexter, Jethio Goodwin; White' and Nathan Pierce; .-'earsmont, Sumner 
Greenbush, John Ballard; Dixmont, Jos Gilman Pattee; Freedom, Robert Elliot; Unity, Jas B 
Stetson, Jos Higgin; Newport, Hiram Rose; Etna, Murch; Belfast, Hugh J Anderson, Wm T Co!- 
JH Whitfen; Edinburgh, Obed W Haynes; Car- burn and JamesP Furber; Belmont, John Greer; 
roll, Galen Gates; Alton, Wm J Thomas; Orono, Hope, Jones Taylor and Nath'l Alford; Swan- 
Abel Moore, Martin McPheters; Milford. Peleg ville, Samuel Eames; Islesborough, E G Knight. 
Hall; Oldtown, Solomon Moulton, Ephraim R. Washington. Ceoper, Gilbert D. Foster; 
Lamas; Garland, Jos Knight, 2d; Mattawamkeag, Crawford. M J Talbot; Danfoith plantation Par- 
Asa Smith; No: 5, Range 6, John Merrick; No 7. ker Tewkesbury ; Epmunds, Wm Woods;PI No 
Range 3, Benj Osgood; Nickertow Plantation, 14, J Burgin: Marrion, Phineas Foster; PI No 7 
Arvida Hayford; Patagumpus Plantation, Thos. Zadoc Bi-hop; Cutler, John C Talbot, jr; Weslev 
Fowler; West India Plantation, James H Haynes Reuben Gruy; Ea«t Machi.-.s, JosLaa A Lowel.'; 
No 4 Range l.Zadock Gates; Maine, C W Phil- Alexander, John K Damon; Co umbia, Albert 
brick; No 1 Plantation,^/. Thompson; Corinna, K*en; Tr-scott, Geo W IVavev; Robbinston, C 
Jacob J Elliot, David Jones; Whitney Ridge, T. Cooper; Calais, Be' j Yuong, Wm L McCollister; 
Dunham; Ornville, Sam'l Newbegin; Millnocket, Topsfield, Matthrns Viekery, jr.; Cl.erryfield, J C 
Sam'l Braden; No'iR S O Peaisons; Grand JFashburn; Mepy benips, Warn n Gilman; B rin., 
Falls, Chaa Littlefield; No 8, Samuel Clark. George Wells; Codyvill •, JuhnGr.v; Addison, W 

Piscataquis. Brownville, Abram Jaquith; V Bowen; Demiysville, Benj Kilby ; Whitnevvilie, 
Bowerbank, Curus Chase; Parkman, Jos Drew; Sam'l H Talbot; Eastport, Bion Bradbury, J D 
Wellington, Goe. W. Stanton; Greenville, John Odeli; Northrield, 8. A. Scribner: Beddinglon, Jas 
G Walden; Dover, S W Elliot, E S Clark; Flanders; Charlotte, Xrmenes Philbrook; Big Lake 
Kingsbury, Amos Decker; Milo. Wm A Luce; f«. R Byram; Princeton, C H Rulf; Tnlmadge, N 
Elliotsville, John F Thombs; Blanchard, Thos Dinsmore; Joneaboro, A D Getcbell; Lambert's 
D Packard; Atkinson; Daniel Chase; Kilmarnock Lake, Jau.es Joy; Lubec, J W Lyman, Samuel 



8 



Convention of 1849, that ' passed the 
resolutions you have this day re- 
adopted for your platform, constituted 
a State Committee, and empowered 
them to write and publish an address 
li to the Democratic Republican Electors 
of the State of Maine." This com- 
mittee very shortly discharged this 
duty. The address was published. — 
The names of the committee were 
affixed to it. To some now present 
these names may not be unknown. — 
I will read them. They are Ephraim 
K. Smart, [the announcement oi his 
name was followed by a general shout 
of laughter and ridicule, and Mr. 
Smith proceded:] 

Yes, I percieve, some of you seem to 
know who and where Mr. Smart now 
is ! The other names are, Micah J. 
Talbot, Moses Sherbourne, Daniel C. 
Emery, [and his name caused another 
general laugh, when Mr. Smith pro- 
ceded,] and I percieve you also know 
who and where Mr. Emery now is !■ — 

Staples, jr; Baileyville, AH Staples; Machias, 
Geo Walker; Marshfield, Orestes Brown; Jackson 
Brook, James L Dudley; PI No 19, Francis Ms 
Kussick; Pembroke. Ezra Stinchfield; PI No 9, 
Sewel L. Bolter ; VVaite PI., John Dudley ; Perry, 
Syvanus Leland ; Whiting, Wm. S. Peavey ; 
Weston, Joseph Foss ; Centerville, Samu'l Fur- 
long ; Machiasport, John Hunter : Steuben, C. S. 
Clark : Harrington, William Trundy. 

York. Action, David Libby ; Alfred, Wm. C. 
Allen ; Berwick, JM. Hanson, G. C. Wallingf'ord; 
Biddeford, J. T. Smith, Jacob K. Cole ; Buxton, 
Stephen Hanson, Jona, McKenny ; Cornish, C. 
R. Ayer ; Elliot, Geo. A. Hanscom, N. Hanscom 
3d ; Hollis, Saml. Sawyer, John M. Goodwin ; 
Kennebunk, J. Titcomb, R. Smith ; Kennebunk- 
port Joshua Herrick, Ivory Bickford ; Kittery, 
Gowen Wilson, Chas. G. Bellamy ; Lebanon, F. 
A Wood, John Chase ; Limerick, Luther S. 
Moor, Abner Burbank ; Limington, S. M, Brad- 
bury, Robt. Morton ; Liman, Magness J. Smith ; 
NewfieM,Geo. Ayer ; North Berwick, Thomas J. 
Hobbs Jr.; Parsonfield, M. Swett, G. L, Bennet ; 
Saco, J. W. Leland, A. A. Hanscom, L. D. Wil- 
kinson ; Shapleigh, EUsha Bodwell, M. Goodwin 
jr.; Sanford, Saml. B, Emery, Saml. Lord ; South 
Berwick, Wm. Young, T. C. Parker ; Walerboro, 
Robt. P. Berry, Jos. Allen ; Weils, S. Mildram, 
Geo. Hatch ; York, L. Junkina, Wm. H. Sweat. 
Chas. Came. 



The last name is Alpheus A. Hans., 
com. 

I dare say these gentlemen, when 
they signed the document I hold in my 
hand, were sincere, felt as freemen 
may well feel on this great question of 
human liberty. They wrote, also, as 
freemen may well be proud of writing 
on this great theme of freedom. The 
topics of the address are divided off 
under appropriate heads or titles, and 
the one to which I wish to invite your 
special attention is under the instruc- 
tive title of — 

" The duty of the Democracy of 
Maine: 1 

Under this title, the address proceeds 
as follows : 

" We should make a most decided 
demonstration in the coming guberna- 
torial canvass. The hills and valleys 
of our State should everywhere become 
vocal with loud condemnation of the 
acts of the Whig party and the present 
administration. We should boldly de- 
clare the principles upon which we 
stand." 

Yes, fellow citizens, men who feel 
honest, will ever feel bold in declaring 
their sentiments. The democracy of 
Maine, all the people of Maine, of all 
parties, as I will demonstrate directly, 
were honest in 1849 in their hostility 
to the extension of slavery, and they 
did declare boldly their sentiments ac- 
cordingly in 1S49. I invite the honest 
democracy now to take their eyes off 
from party leaders, and look back with 
me upon this record of their party, 
made up in 1849, to stand for ever as 
their testimony to the world. 

I return to the address. It says — 

" We should boldly declare the prin- 
ciples upon which we stand. The 
true democracy should every where 
unite in opposition to any scheme ere- 



ating a Bank ; in opposition to the yet untarnished by a vole actually 

Tariff * * * and in opposition to cast in favor of slavery, in 1849 bold- 

1 The extension of slavery in terriio- ly declared, that unless the free terri- 

ries now free.' tories of California and New Mexico 

Aye, fellow citizens, it was true should positively inhibit slavery, Con- 
democracy in Maine, in 1849. "to unite gress should spread over them the or- 
in opposition to the extension of slavery dinance of 1787! And what was 
in territories now free." And let me that ordinance? It was originally 
assert, that no man has dared since drafted by Jefferson and afterwards 
1849, and prior to the year 1856, to say re-written by Mr. Nathan Dane of 
any thing in the name of "true democ- Massachusetts, and the Congress of the 
racy" contrary to this freedom senti- Confederation of States adopted it as 
ment. Will men, can our intelligent a law, that slavery should never exist 
citizens, at the bidding of party leaders, in the territories that had been ceded 
be made to say in 1856, that "opposi- to the Confederacy nothwest of the 
tion to to the extension of slavery in Ohio River. An extension of this 
territory now free," is not as much perpetual charter of freedom over the 
true democracy as it was in 1849 ? — newly acquired territory of California 
What do we mean, what do we under- and New Mexico, by Congress, was 
stand, when we say "men change, but the doctrine boldly declared as the 
principles are eternal?" Do we mean platform of the "true democracy" of 
that the principles of 'true democracy' Maine in 1849 ! And can it be, that 
in 1856 can be exactly the opposite of in 1856, at the mere beck or command 
what they were in 1S49 ? Honest of a few party leaders, this great doc- 
men— intelligent men will recognise no trine and platform of freedom is to be 
such doctrine. What they were in suddenly renounced and repudiated, 
1849 upon principle, they will be found and by that true democracy ? [Cries 
to be upon principle in 1856, regardless of no, no, resounded throughout the 
of names, and regardless of interested, HalI J ' too, sa Y no. And I will not 
office hunting leaders. The great believe our intelligent citizens, whose 
heart of our people will be true to it- recor d and history and politics are so 
self at this crisis. fo" of pledges to freedom, are so wed- 

But I return once more to the Ian- ded to party as to make any such sud- 

den turn upon their heels, 

guage of the address : — r> . t i •.' .i 

& & But 1 proceed once more witn the 

" We owe it to ourselvs to give no i anguagP f tne address :— 

countenance to slavery propagandism t d fc 

and unless the people of Cal^rn.a and £. f v g 

Sew Mexico sha I lorm btate govern- , ... , .. - , ... . . 

* • u u * i , tu^A^™ who will be satisfied with nothing 

ments inhibiting slavery, the democ- J. ., ! , . , , ,. $ 

c ivt • li „il, ;. t u„ im short of the actual introduction of 

racv of Mame will consider it the im- , - t .... . 

*■ a , e p„„„^„ ♦« „w^,i slavery into our free territories, or a 

perative duty of Congress to extend ,. . } . c . T7 . lf ' 

v .u / •♦ • „ *u„ ~ .,->.,; ci™. ~f dissolution of the Union. If any one 

over those territories the provisions of . .. , , , . . . } 

, t riTQ-r» is inclined to doubt this assertion, we 

the ordinance of 17o7. ., ,. ., j i c 

u could cite him to the declaration of 

Yes, fellow citizens, the proud record Mr. Belser, the person recently nomi- 

of the true democracy of Maine, as nated as the Taylor candidate for 



10 



Governor in the State of Alabama. — 
We present abundance of evidence 
showing a determination to establish 
slavery in the territories by force; but 
let a single extract from the late letter 
of Mr. Belser suffice. He says — 

" I am against the Wilmot proviso, 
and view such legislation as unconsti- 
tutional, oppressive and unjust. I be- 
lieve that if it is never adopted by 
Congress, that under the existing law, 
no slave holder can take with him his 
slave to New Mexico or California. — 
I go for dividing these territorial acqui- 
sitions, and if this division cannot be 
peaceably effected, I will be found with 
that party at the South, number whom 
it may, who are for maintaining our 
claim to a portion of this inheritance 
at all hazards." 

'•Thus it will be seen, that those who 
appropriated the whole of Texas for 
slaveholding purposes, are for intro- 
ducing slavery into California and 
New Mexico at all hazards. Such 
men will find no sympathy in Maine. 
Their demands are altogether too un- 
reasonable, and if submitted to, it will 
finally be required of us to go the 
length of opposing the admission of 
California and New Mexico into the 
Union, provided the people of those 
territories establish free states. The 
propogation of slavery, into a portion 
at least, of this territory, is, according 
to Mr. Belser and others to be main- 
tained, "at all hazards."* But tnese 
pretensions have finally created some- 
thing like disgust in the minds of pa- 

* Only for want of time, I omitted to re >d the 
following extraets from Southern sources, collated 
in an able speech of Hon. I. Washburn. Jr., 
of our State, in the Hou>e oi Representatives at 
Washington, June 21, 1856, clearly demonstrating 
that the "true democracy" of 1856 in Maine have 
the same threatenings to warn and contend against, 
of di-solution of the Union for the sake of slavery, 
which they "boldly declared" in 1849 to exi-t, 
and which had then "created something like dis- 
quiet in the minds of patriotic men, in all sec- 
tions of the Union.'" Why may we not expect 
the true democracy of Maine to feel in 1856 this 
same "something like disgust," if now, in J 1856, 
they are true to their principles, and to freedom ? 
Can it be that a great and noble party ; long number- 
ing a large and desisive majority of our State,and still 
confessedly very numerous, can be wheeled direct- 



triotic men, in all sections of the Union. 
Every sensible person must see how 

ly about, only by the passing a resolution to that 
effect by a few party leaders in a political Conven- 
tion ? We shall see. 

Extracts from Mr. Washburn's Speech : 
And first 1 will quote fiom Mr. McMullin, 
of Virginia: 

"And I tell you, sir, and I want the country to 

* know it — I want the gentlemen from the free 
' States^>ur Republican?, our Seward Republican?, 

* our Abolitionists, or whatever else they may be 

* called, to know it — that if you restore the Mis- 
' souri Compromise, or repeal the Fugutive Slave 

* Law, this Union will be dissolved." 

Mr McMullin at the same time added: 

"1 hope that il any gentleman deems I do not 

* properly represent the state of public feeling in 
' the South, he will correct me." 

And no member has ever disclaimed the senti- 
ments imputed to the South. 

Mr. Shorter, of Alabama, said a few months 
age : 

"We tell you plainly that we take issue with 
' you; and whenever you repeal the Fugitive Slave 

* Law, or refuse to admit a State on account of 
'Slavery in her Constitution, or our equality in 
' the Territories is sacrificed by an act of Con- 
' gress, then the star of this Union will go down to 

* rise no more. 

"Should we be forced to dissolve the Union 
' in order to preserve Southern institutions and 
' Southern civilization, we will do it in peace if we 

* can; in war if we must, and let the God of 

* Battles decide between us." 

South Carolina, through one of her Representa- 
tives, [Mr. Boyce,] declares as follows: 

"That party which places itself upon the posi- 
■ tion of giving power to the North will eventually 
'succeed; and when that party does succeed, in 
' my opinion, the Union will be at an 

' END." 

The North, according to Mr. Boyce, although 
a majority of the Slates and of the people, has no 
right to power. Speaking through another Rep- 
resentative, [Mr. Keitt,] the same State admon- 
ishes us thus : 

"Let the North refuse admission to a State be- 
' cause of Slavery in her Constitution, and the 

* HISTORY OF THIS UuiON IS CLOSED. 

And the same gentleman adds: 

"The Sonth should establish in the platform the 
' principle, that the right of a Southern man to his 
« slaves is equal in its length and breadth, to the 
' right of a jXorthern man to his horse. She 
' should make the recognition of the right, full, 
' complete, and INDISPUTABLE." 

Or, in other words, should insist upon the princi- 
ple, that if a citizen of Maine may take his horse 
to South Carolina, and hold it there as property, 
the citizen of South Carolina may as well take his 
slave into Maine as property. This results from 
the Southern doctrine, now so popular, of the 
"oquality of the States." 

But, sir, 1 am not driven to reply upon the test- 
imony of members of Congress upon this point. — 
The same settlements have been avowed in South- 
em Democratic conventions — as witness the fol- 



11 



impossible it is, to draw the people of 
the north into the odious work of an 
unlimited propagation of slavery. It 
is encouraging to know, also, that in 
the south the spirit of Washington, 
Jefferson, Madison, Mason and Pick- 
ering still exists ; and that there are 
eminent men, whose feelings revolt at 
the present lust for the "diffusion of 
slavery." But a few weeks ago, that 
distinguished and honest advocate of 
American Democracy (and who, fel- 
low citizens, do you think he is 9 ) 
Thomas H. Benton, [The father of the 
people's Jessie, cried out several 
voices, and Fremont's father-in-law,] 
boldly declared to the people of Mis- 
souri, his opposition to slavery and its 
extension. He said — 

lowing, given as a sample, from the resolutions of 
a convention in Mississippi, on the 8th of January 
last: 

"That the passage by Congress of any law abo- 
' lining Shivery in the District of Columbia, or 
' prohibiting the slave trade between the States, or 
* pronibiting Slavery in the Territories, or other 
' places subject to the laws of Congress, or the re- 
■ fusal of Congress to admit a Stite into the Union 
' because its Constution reco<zni>es Slavery, would 
' afford evidence of a fixed and deliberate design, 
1 on the part of that body, to impair, weaken, and 

• finally destroy the institution of Slavery in the 
' States, 'would be such a violation of our rights as 
1 would amount to intolerable oppression, and just- 
' ify a resort to measures of resistance.' " 

According to this, ii Congress should attempt to 
do now, what for sixty years it did without objec- 
tion, measures of resistence will be justified. 1'hat 
the above extracts express provailing Southern doc- 
trine, without respect to party, I cite the following 
resolution recently adopted by an American State 
convention in Alabama : 

"Resolved, That in view of the increased dan- 
' gers that thi eaten the institutions of the South, 

• this convention deems it necessary to, and does 
' hereby, re-endorse and adopt the following reso- 
' lution, ki own as the Georgia platform, to wit: — 
' That the State of Alabama, in the judgement of 
' this convention, will and ought to resist, (as a 
' last resort, )to a disruption of every tie which binds 
' her to the Union, an action of Congress upon the 
' subject of Slavery in the District of Columbia, or 
' in places subject to the juri-diction of Congress 
1 incompatible with the safety, the domestic iran- 

• quility, the rights and honor cf the slaveholding 
' States or any act suppressing the slave trade be- 
1 tween the slaveholding States; or any refusal to 
' admit, as a State, any Territory applying, because 
' of the existence of Slavery therein; or any act 
' prohibiting the introduction of slaves into the 
' Territories; or any act repealing, or materially 

• modifying the laws now in force for the recovery 

• of fugitive sLves.'" 



"As to the Wilmot proviso, I consid- 
er it Jefferson's proviso, constitutional 
and if passed by Congress to be obey- 
ed as other laws. * * * My per- 
sonal sentiments are against the insti- 
tution of slavery, and against its intro- 
duction into places where it does not 
exist. If there was no slavery in Mis- 
souri to-day, I should be opposed to 
its coming in. If there was none in 
the United States, I should oppose its 
coming into the United States ; as 
there is none in New Mexico or Cali- 
fornia, I am against sending it to those 
territories." 

The address then proceeds to com- 
ment on Mr. Benton's views as fol- 
lows : 

U A great majority of the people of 
these United /States, we are confident, 
will stand by this doctrine. In the at- 
tempt TO EXTEND THE BLIGHT OF SLAVERY 

over the free lands of this nation, 
the sturdy republicans of maine, in 
common with the patriotic of the 
whole Union, will demand a halt. — 
In this they ask nothing sectional." 

Fellow Citizens, said Mr. Smith, it 
was "the true democracy," calling 
themselves also by the other name of 
"the sturdy Republicans of Maine," 
that in 1849 proclaimed this language, 
this sentiment, this creed ! Had ihis 
document been written by any dele- 
gate to your own Convention to-day, 
for the platform upon which Fremont 
and Dayton and Hamblin are present- 
ed for the support of the sturdy Re- 
publicans of Maine in 1856, could lan- 
guage have been chosen, could senti- 
ments have been conceived, more fitting 
or appropriate to the occasion? I know 
not who penned this document. But 
be he who he may — let him belong 
now to what party he may, he maybe 
proud of it — may glory in it — but he 
should curse his own soul, if he has 
fallen from its noble behests in favorof 
human freedom ! 



12 



It is a proud record of where the de- 
mocracy of Maine has stood, in other 
years — where they will still stand, in 
1856, if true to themselves. It is a 
proud record from which no man had 
the impudence, or dishonesty, before 
the year 1S56, to ask any one of that 
democracy, or of any other party to 
depart, or renounce. And as yet, 
I am rejoiced in the belief, that down 
to this hour, no vote other than of par- 
ty leaders, or partizan office seekers 
has been given in any assemblage in 
Maine, to renounce and reverse this 
proud record of a once great party in 
Maine. 

The address says — mark it well — 
"In the attempt to extend the blight 
of slavery over the free lands of the 
nation, the sturdy Republicans of 
Maine, in common with the patriotic of 
the whole Union, will demand a halt ! 
In this theij ask nothing sectional. — 
They only ask what they believe to be 
fair and right, and just to all sections. 
They desire nome other than a nation- 
al administration of the government. 

" They will stand by the Union, and 
by their political friends in the South, 
in all democratic measures, and adhere 
strictly to their constitutional obliga- 
tions; but they will not surrender what 
rightfully belongs to the free laborers of 
the whole country." 

Fellow Citizens, continued Mr. 
Smith, this position in favor of free- 
dom — this exposition of the duty, of the 
democracy of Maine in 1849, is word 
for word, and line for line, sentiment 
for sentiment, the position, and the 
duty, owned, acknowledged and this 
day proclaimed, of the Republicans of 
Maine, and of all men true to the 
cause of human freedom, in 1S56 ! 
Mark you, democracy in' 1849, pro- 
claimed, that opposition to the exten- 
sion of slavery into free territories 



"asks nothing sectional!" Of 607 
delegates in the Convention, represent- 
ed by this address, in 1849, and which 
passed the two resolutions which your 
Convention to-day have incorporated 
into the Republican platform of Maine, 
one man only, Mr. Bion Bradbury, of 
Eastport, raised then a dissenting 
voice! He — an honorable man, I 
grant — an honest man, I doubt not — 
he stood out, the lone star, in Maine, 
of slavery, in 1S49 ! Nor never since 
that day, until the year 1856, has this 
lone star found in Maine one glimmer 
of sympathy, or support in favor of the 
cause of extending " the blight of slav- 
ery over the free lands of the nation." 
If there be any man entitled to favor, 
or credit in early devotion and un- 
swerving constancy to this doctrine of 
political paganism to which the true 
democracy of Maine are in 1856 being 
invited by leaders anddrivers to become 
converts, in the face of all past records, 
of their party and of their State, and 
in the face of all their past convictions 
of humanity, he only — Mr. Bradbury 
alone, has earned it, and is entitled to 
it! 

It was this Convention of 1849, hol- 
den in this Hall, on the 28th and 29th 
days of June, that nominated John 
Hubbard a candidate of the •' true 
democracy " for the office of Govern- 
er. Now I hold in my hand a slip cut 
from my file of the Eastern Argus un- 
der date a few days short of a month 
after this nomination of Dr. Hubbard 
was made — namely, July 26, 1S49. — 
This slip contains a correspondence 
between the county delegation of Wal- 
do in the nominating Convention and 
their gubernatorial nominee, on this 
same interesting and great question of 
the extension of slavery into free ter- 



13 



ritories. This correspondence is pre- 
faced by editorial remarks, indicative 
also of the decided opinions then en- 
tertained by the editor of that paper. 
The time was, when the Eastern Argus 
was esteemed by all its patrons and 
followed, as .safe to stand by,and almost 
to swear by. Bnt some years since a 
revolution of sentiment was worked 
in the minds of its supporters, so that 

i few held themselves longer bound by 
all the doctrines that the paper had 
maintained from time to time, for they 
were somewhat difficult very often to 
reconcile. [Laughter and cries of that 
is so.] The safer sentiment, conse- 
quently obtained among the true dem- 
ocracy, as all know who have taken 
that paper,that no man was bound any 
farther back by that paper, than what 
was contained in the then last Argus ! 
[Great applause and laughter through- 
out the Hall.] Now I shall not there- 

I fore read the editors remark's upon the 
slip I hold in my hand and claim for 
them any binding authority upon any 
man's politics. For it has long been 
well understood, the principles of the 
Argus are very much like the French- 
man's flea, upon which if you put 
your finger, the flea would no longer 
be there ! [Laughter and shouts of 
applause.] Nor do I undertake to say 
who was the editor at the time these 
remarks were penned and printed. — 
For it is also well understood that the 
editor of the Argus is as uncertain as 
the principles of the paper, and again, 
like the Frenchman's flea, put your 
finger upon him. and he is no longer 
there ! [Renewed and long continued 
shouts of laughter and applause.] 

The title prefixed to the article I am 
about to read, is as follows — 

"HUBB»RD AND FREE SoiL." 



[The announcement of this title in- 
stantly convulsed the whole assemfr'y 
with laughter unrcstrined for some 
minutes, after which Mr. Smith pro- 
ceeded as follows :] 

I am not at all surprised, that at this 
day the association these names, Hub- 
bard and Free Soil, excites your mer- 
riment. But it is not. my fault that 
they are so associated at this day — it is 
the fault of the Eastern Argus, the 
editor of which wrote then as follows : 
"HUBBARD AND FREE SOIL." 

"The following correspondence defines precise- 
ly, tersely, and without any possibility of mistake 

Dr. Hi/bbard's position on the free soil Usue. 

It is a position fully sustainable, and in entire ac" 
cordance with the sentiments of the great body cf 
the democratic party of Maine, and in fact of the 
North generally. 

"In view of the action of the democracy of the 

legislature— of the resolutions of our State Conven- 
tion— and of this letter from our candidate for Guv- 
ernor — the question becomes peculiarly appropriate 
— What are the Free Soil party hoping to accom- 
plished by separate organization ? We think it 
would puzzle their wisest leaders to answer i\" 

Here then is the evidence, that in 
July 1849, the party of the Eastern 
Argus — the true democracy of Maine 
— the supporters of John Hubbard, 
were so identical in views upon the sub- 
ject of slavery, with the Free Soil par- 
ty, that the Argus rebuked that party 
for desiring a seperate organization ! 
and it asserted that "it would puzzle 
their wisest leaders to answer" in what 
could consist the good of a seperate or- 
ganization of the Free Soil party from 
the Democratic Party ! Then follows 
this correspondence with Dr. Hub- 
bard : 

Augusta, July 16, 1849. 
Hon. John Hubbard — Sir :— The undtrsi»n 
ed, the delegation from the county of Waldo, would 
respectfully request a statement of your views in 
relation to the extension of si i very into territories 
of the United States which are now free. Your 
position as a candidate for the office of Governor 
of this State, is a sufficient apology for what might 



14 



otherwise appear lo bean officious interference with 
the opinions of others. 

Very respectfully, 

Youi- friends and servants, 
Adams Treat, P. Simonton, 

Thomas M. Morrow, George N White, 
William Merriam, Nath'n Worthing, 
Authcr Treat, Dan. Wentworth, 

Jbsse Smart, Joseph Bacheler, 

John Hodgdon, David Smith. 

Hallowell, July 17, 1849. 

Gen'lemen: — Yours of the 16th, requesting "a 
statement of my views in relation to the extension 
of slavery into territories of the United States now 
free." is before me. The question in all its prac- 
tical bearings, as a subject of deliberative and sol- 
emn legislation, is an extensive one. I can only 
give, heri', a brief statesment of the principles 
which would guide my action upon it. 

1st. I believe Congress to have entire constitu- 
tional jurisdiction over the whole subject of slavery 
in the territories of the United States. 

2d. I am opposed to slavery in all its bearings, 
moral, social, and political, and especially ami 
opposed to its extension. 

3d. I would adopt all constitutional and equit- 
able means to prevent the extension of slavery into 
territories now free. 

Hoping, gentlemen, that this brief expose will 
meet jour views, I am with sentiments of respect 
and regard, Yours, John Hubbard. 

Fellow Citizens — If Mr. Hamlin, 
your candidate tor Governor were to 
sign his name to this same letter of 
Dr. Hubbard, and date it July 17, 1856, 
instead of July 17, 1849, would he not 
cover the exact ground upon which 
yon place the support of him at this 
day? 

Then, it was pure democracy ! — 
Now, it is called black republicanism 
and disunion ! 

But. will the democracy of Maine 
be expected to follow leaders who are 
running away from all the principles 
of government in respect to freedom 
and slavery, to which for a life-time 
democrats in the ranks as well as lead- 
ers have professed and pledged them- 
selves to support ? In the support of 
Mr. Buchanan exactly the reverse of 
every principle and of every sentiment 
embodied in this Hubbard letter, is in- 
volved and demanded ? And the Argus 
says, these principles and sentiments 



were not only "sustainable" in 1849, 
but were "in entire accordance with the 
seentiments of the great body of the 
democratic party of Maine, and in fact 
of the North generally." 

After this full and complete commit- 
tal of the democratic party, and of the 
people of Maine, to this opposition to 
the extension of slavery, does it not 
require bold confidence to ask, and to 
expect, that this same democratic party 
and this same people will in 1856 
wheel entirely round, and in Mr. Bu- 
chanan, give their support and their 
votes, to exactly the opposite principle 
and doctrine of government ? and to 
trample into degradation this proud 
record of their devotion to freedom? — 
Will you believe they will do so ? 
[No, no, was responded from every 
part of the Hall.] 

No more do I believe it of the Elec- 
tors of Maine. They will follow the 
flag of freedom wherever that waves, 
and floats, aud yield deference to par- 
ty leaders up to that furthermost mark. 
But. when those leaders abandon that 
flag, and attempt to stripe it with one 
additional black stripe, or black star, 
that is emblematical of human slavery, 
the ballot boxes of our people will re- 
volt, and no longer own obedience to 
the influence of such leaders. 

Having exhibited to you the posi- 
tion and doctrines of the democratic 
party, and of their candidate for Gov- 
ernor, in 1849, upon this great ques- 
tion of human slavery, I will now call 
your attention to the record which the 
whig party also, at that time, made up 
on this same great subject. Bear in 
mind, that I have tendered the chal- 
lenge to every man of every party to 
disprove the ^assertion which I make, 
that no party in Maine ever before the 



15 



dawn of the present year, had the 
boldness to invite the electors of Maine 
to give the slightest countenance to 
the extension of slavery over free ter- 
ritory; but all parties have been unit- 
ed hitherto as one man, and one peo- 
ple, throughout our noble State,against 
such an extension of slavery under 
any form whatever. In the address 
to the democracy in 1849, from which 
I have read, various accusations are 
embodied against the whig party; but 
not one syllable of fault on this ques- 
tion of slavery. For whigs then were 
as true to freedom, as democrats them- 
selves claimed to be. [Great applause.] 
And 1 will now read to you the whig 
record of that day. A Convention of 
the whigs, assembled in representation 
of the whole party in the State, at 
Augusta, on the 18th day of July, 
1849, among other resolutions passed 
this one on slavery — namely — 

"Resolved, That we now reiterate 
"the Sentiments expressed in the Halls 
"of Congress upon the question of the 
"admission of Missouri nearly thirty 
"years since, by Mellen Whitman and 
"other whigs of our State, in relation 
"to the farther extension of slavery ; 
"while they would be just to all the 
"constitutional rights of the North, we 
"are decidedly opposed to the further 
"extension of slavery."* 

Fellow Citizens, upon that high and 

*And what may also be appropriately remem- 
bered at this juncture, and in connection with what 
I have said in my 9peech, of Hon. George Ev- 
ans, this same Whig Convention unanimously 
passed the following resolution, indicating where 
Mr. Evan's position then was, and I fain hope, still 
is, on this question of slavery in free territory : — 

"Phineas Barnes, Esq., of Portland, and Hon 
Isaac Reed of Waldoborougb, being present, were 
called upon to addressed tha convention, and after 
some remarks from Mr. Appleten, the resolves 
were unanimously adopted. 

Mr. Cochran of Waldoberough presented the 
following resolve, which was unanimously adopt- 
ed. 

"Resolved, That in the Hon George Evans, we 
recognise Maine's able Representative, fearless 



patriotic ground did the whigs of 
Maine, as well as the democrats o^ 
Maine, plant themselves in 1849. — 
Neither of these parties then dared to 
assail the other on the ground of de- 
fection to freedom. Who is there of 
the patriotic whigs of 1849 so forget- 
ful of principle — so faithless to patriot- 
ism, as to trample upon this proud re- 
cord in 1856? [Several voices cried 
out Evans — George Evans— Little, 
are the men !] 

Say rather, exclaimed Mr. Smith, 
Little George Evans, if it be so, for 
fallen indeed is Mr. Evans — the great 
man has indeed become Little, if it can 
be that he will be guilty of such de- 
fection to freedom now. I respect Mr. 
Evans too much — he fought too well 
the whig battles of other days— he has 
grown too old in years, and earned 
himself too much of fame, to be now 
tempted in the decline of life to turn 
traitor to freedom and to the holy re- 
cord of the whig party upon this great 
question of human liberty, for the pal- 
try trappings,or the paltry income of a 
small office, even if accepted at the 
hands of a corrupt democracy. I will 
not yet believe it of him,although their 
prominent men among the supporters 
of the Buchanan Slavery Platform, 
already sneer contemptuously at 
the uses which they are now making in 
this State of some who were formerly 
prominent members of the whig party. 
And one of them to-day illustrated 
his subject by a comparison that has 
less of vulgarity than of truth in it. — 
He said it reminded him of certain 
men, who dressed their kept mistresses 

statesman, and eloquent advocate of the lights aud 
interests of the northern laborer. His hi<*h talents 
untarnished integrity, and dovotod patriotism, de- 
mand the gratitude not only of eur own State 
bnt of the nation. 



16 



ill silks and satins, while they dress- 
ed their own wives in homespun and 
calicoes ! I inquired how he meant to 
be understood? Why says he, for the 
sake of using the whig leaders our 
party leaders give the whigs the best 
of the offices, and content our own 
folks with those that are mere calico ! 
("Great laughter and applause.] 

But, continued Mr. Smith, is George 
Evans one of these ) Is this subser- 
viency to the cause of slavery, which 
the supporters of Buchanan, or what 
is the same in effect, opposition to 
Fremont and Hamlin, involves, the 
price that Mr. Evans is to pay for the 
silken office which he holds at the 
hands of the present administration ? 
If Mr. Evans shall appear in that silk 
dress before the people of this 
State, as the advocate of slavery — to 
tarnish and desecrate the great testi- 
monials reared by the concurrence of 
all political parties in Maine to freedom, 
in the sacred records I have already 
read to you this evening, and reared 
also to himself in Congres, I pledge 
my best efforts and humble opportuni- 
ty, in return, to meet him before our 
people and shame him in the act.— 
But let no man say, Mr. Evans will 
o this, until Mr. Evans shall himself 

proclaim it ! 

But I now come to yet one more 
record, that lifts its proud voice from 
the past, and speaks with fresh life to 
the hearts of the Electors of Blaine. — 
I have refered you to records written in 
the name of the democratic party of 
our State ; I have referred you to the 
records written in the name of the 
Whig party of Maine; I now refer 
you to the record which both those 
parties concurred in writing, in the 
name of the State and whole people, to 



live forever upon the Statute book of 
our State Government ! And I go 
again to that ever memorable year 
1849. 

Gov. Dana then filled the Executive chair. 
The Legislative session was being held in 
summer, In the Governor's Message, he 
denounced the institution of slavery in the 
abstract, and its extension into the new ter- 
ritories of California and New Mexico. — 
But he also held, that Congressional prohi- 
bi'ion of it there would be inoperative and 
of no practical use, because the territory 
was sure to be free without it. But the 
Legislature acted upon the subject, and act- 
ed with decision, and unmistakable bold- 
ness. I will now read their resolutions as 
they were originally reported and as they 
passed both branches of the Legislature: 

"Resolved, That we hereby declare for 
ourselves and in behalf of the people of this 
State, our uncompromising opposition to the 
extension of slavery into any territory of 
the United States which is now free.'' 

"Resolved, That in organizing govern- 
ments for New Mexico and California, the 
introduction and existence of slavery in 
those territories should be positively prohib- 
ited by an act of Congress." 

"Resolved, That our Senators in Congress 
are hereby instructed, and our representa- 
tives requested, to vote againat any act es- 
tablishing governments for said territories 
that does not contain an express prohibition 
of slavery. 

'•Resolved, That the Governor be request- 
ed to forward copies of the foregoing reso- 
lutions to each of our senators and represen- 
tatives in Congress, and to each of the Gov- 
ernors of the several States of the Union." 

These Resolves passed the Senate on the 
14th of June, 1849, unanimously ; and on 
the 10th of July, 1849, they passed the 
House of Representatives by a vote of 113 
yeas, to 2 nays* On the 17th of July 

*To enable ^the reader to possess himself of full 
knowledge of this legislative record, we present it as 
follows: — 

These resolves were adopted in the Senate of 
Maine, June 14, 1849. The following Senators vot- 
ing for them : — 

Oliver Bean.Readfield; Win. V. Bowen,Addison ; 



\7 



Gov. Dana sent them back to the Senate ity, and not of any objectionable abstract 
with a Veto, on the ground of an informal- principle involved ; and the Senate re-passed 



Gilman M. Burleigh, Dexter; Hiram Chapman, Dam- 
ariscotta; Philo Clark, Turner; Eleazer Crocker, 
St. Albans>; Daniel Dam, Newlield; John P. Davis, 
Naples; John P. T. Dumnnt, Hallowell; Manley 
Eames, Dover; Paulinus M.Foster, North Anson; 
Sam'l VV. Fox, Berwick; Joab Harriman, Clinton; 
James Hobbs, Jr., Fryburg; John Hodgdon, Houlton; 
Iddo K. Kimball, East Thomaston; Chas. Meguire, 
New Gloucester; Thomas M. Morrow, Searsmonf ; 
Amos I'ickard. Hampden; Isaac Paol Edgecomb; 
Oliver Prescott, Vassalboro; Benj. Rea, Brooksville; 
Henry Richardson, Oldtown; Ephraiin Sturdivant, 
Cumberland; Micah J. Talbot,East Machias; Adams 
Treat, Frankfort; Leander Valentine, Westbrook. 

No vote in the Senate against the resolves. 

The same resolves were adopted in the House, Ju- 
ly 10th; 113 yeas to 2 nays: — 

Yeas. — Moses L. Appleton, Bangor; Isaiah Avery, 
, Exeter; Joseph Avery, Jefferson; Joseph Bachelor, 
Monson; E. F. Baker, Steuben, Thos Baker, Water- 
ville; Win. Baker, Moscow; Edward Bean, Charles- 
ton; Sam'l Belcher, Farmington; Alden Boynton, 
Wiscasset; James Brown, Dayton Plantation; David 
Bryant, Windsor; Alvah J Buker, Canaan; Thomas 
P. Bunker, Maxfield ; John Burrill, Jr., Baldwin; 
Henry Carter, Portland; Samuel Clark, Pittston; 
John C. Cochran, E. Thomaston; Wm. S. Cochran, 
Waldoboro'; Geo. Cox, Vassalboro'; Joseph Curtis, 
New Castle; VVm. Curtis,Bruns\vick ; James B. Das- 
comb, Bloomfield; Josiah Day, 2d, Leeds; John 
Dudley, Waite Plantation; Geo. W. Duncan, Bath; 
Henry T. Emery, Eastnort; Nathaniel Fenderson, 
Scarboro'; John Fogg ,Et ia; Royal Fogg, Monmouth ; 
Phinea.) Foster, Marrion; Francis Fuller, Winthrop; 
Benj. A. Gardner, Charlotte; S. K. Gilman, Hallow- 
ell; Samuel Gould, New Portland; Jonas Greene, By- 
ron; Ebn'r Greenleaf, Westport; Nathan Grover, 
Bothel, Levi Guptil, Belgrade; Sam'l Haines, Clin- 
ton ; John R. Haley, Kittery; Daniel Hall, Gray, 
Elias Ham, Shapleigh; Alonzo Hamilton, Saco; Ol- 
iver Hanscom, Lebanon; James F. Hill, Gouldsboro'; 
Isaac M. Hobbs, N. Berwick ; John Hodgdon, Lin- 
colnville; Amasa Holman, Dixfield ; Isaac S. Hoop- 
er, Cambridge; Darius Howard, Phillips; Horace P 
Hubbard, Topsham; David Huston, Bristol: John 
Hutchinson, Corinna; Warren Johnson, Wellington; 
Sam'l Jordon, Westbrook; VVentworth Jordan, Web- 
ster; Joseph Kinsman, Cornville; Henry Leach, 
Smilhfield; Thomas E. Lincoln, China; Thomas 
Littleficld, Auburn; Nathan M. Lord, Newfield; 
Howard B. Lovejoy .Fayette; Joseph Mahoney,Sears- 
mont; James Mann, Gorham; Jacob Marston, Par- 
sonsfield; Robert Martin, Poland; Henry Mason, 
Porter; James McGown, Ellsworth; Elisha Merriam, 
Belmont; VVm. Merriam, Camden, Jona. C. Merrill 
Durham; H.L. Morrison, E. Livermore; Chas. M. 
Morse, Wilton; Stephen JVfyrick, jr., Lewiston, Joel 
Nevens, Carmel; Jas. W. North, Augusta; Clifford 
B. Norton, Industry; Thomas O'Brien, Thomaston; 
E.H.Oliver, Freeman; James Percey, Arrowsic; 
N. D. Phillips, Orrington; Daniel Putnam, Belfast; 
Henry C. Reed, Norway; Sampson Reed, Hartford; 
Daniel Rogers, Windham; Daniel Savage, Hancock 
Plantation ; George P. Sewall, Oldtown; P.Simon- 
ton, Searsport; Jesse Smart, Troy; Turner Smith, 
Northfield; Thos. B. Spaulding,Milo; Joseph Spear, 
Warren j^Charles Spofford, Deer Isle; Isaac Strick- 
land, Turner; Hastings Strickland, Baneor; Samuel 
Sweetser, N. Yarmouth; Ziba Tayer, Paris; Fran- 
cis Thibodeau, Madawaska; Sam'l Thing, Freeport; 
Arthur Treat, Waldo; Aaron True, Litchfield; Isaac 
N.Tucker, Gardinei j^Silas L. Wait, Sidney; Jas. 



C. Warren, Detroit; Samuel Webber, jr., VVaterboro, 
Dan'l Wentworth, Knox; R. Wentworth, Buxton; 
Amherst Whitmore, Brunswick; D. S. Witham, 
Concord; Nathan Worthing, Palermo; Christopher 
Young, Union. Goo. N. White, Montville. 

Nays 2. — C. R. Abbott, Bucksport; Jabez Knowl- 
ton, Newburg. 

These resolves were vetoed by Gov. Dana, and on 
the 25th of July were passed by the Senate over his 
veto, every Senator voting for them except Mr. Bean, 
of Kennebec, who was absent. Besides those voting 
for the resolves as above (June 14) were the following 
who wcie then absent : 

Wm. W. Tripp, Wilton; Thomas Dyer, 3d, Saco; 
Joseph Merrill, Topsham; James H. Fainum, Rum- 
ford. 

So the Senate passed the Resolves over the Gov- 
ernor's veto by an unanimous vote. 

In the House the same resolves were also passed 
over the Governor's veto (Jaly 27) by a vote of 94 
ayes to 20 noes : — 

The Ayes were as follows: — 
Samuel Andrews 2d, Bndgton; JosephAvery, Jeffer- 
son; Joseph Bachelor, Monroe; Thomas Baker, Wa- 
terville; Wm. Baker, Moscow; Edward Bean. 
Charleston; Sam'l Belcher, Farmington; Ozias 
Blanchard, Blanchard; Moses Bradbury, Biddeford; 
David Bryant, Windsor; Thos. P. Bunker, Max- 
field; John Burrill, jr. Baldwin; Wm. T. Chadbourne, 
Standish; Sam'l Clark, Pittston; Wm. Curtis. Bruns- 
wick; Joseph Curtis, New Castle; Geo. W. Dun- 
can, Bath; Josiah Day, 2d, Leeds; Nath'l Fender- 
son, Scarboro'; John Fogg, Etna; .Royal Fogg, Mon- 
mouth; Wm. L. Foot, S. Berwick; Geo. M. Free- 
roan, York; Phineas Foster, Marion; Francis Ful- 
ler, Winthrop; Sam'l Furlong,Calais; S. K. Gilman, 
Hallowell; Sam'l Gould, New Pojtland; Nathan 
Grover, Bethel; Levi Guptill, Belgrade; John R 
Haley, Kittery; Dan'l Hall, Gray; Elias Ham, Shap- 
leigh; Alonzo Hamilton, Saco: Wm. Hesketh, Bow- 
erbank; Oliver Hanscom, Lebanon; James F. Hill, 
Gouldsboro'; Nath'l Hilton, Wells; John Hodgdon, 
Lincolnville; Darius Howard, Phillips; David Hues- 
ton, Bristol; John Huthinson, Corinna; Warren John- 
son, Wellington; Sam'l Jordon, Westbrook ; Went- 
worth Jordon, Webster; Henry Leach, Smithfield; 
Thos. B. Lincoln, China; H. B. Lovejoy, Fayette; 
Joseph Mahony, Searsmonf, James Mann, Gor- 
ham, Jacob Marston, Parsonsfield; Robert Mar- 
tin. Poland; Henry Mason, Porter; 
Jas McGown, Ellsworth; Cephas Meeds, Liniington; 
Elisha Merriam, Belmont; Wm Merriam, Camden; 
Nathl Mitchell, Kennebunkport; H L Morrison, E 
Livermore; Chas M Morse, Wilton; Daniel March, 
Casco; Joel Nevens, Carmel; Jas W North, Augus- 
ta; Clifford B Norton, Industry; Parker W Perry, 
Orland; N D Phillips, Orrington; Daniel Putam, 
Belfast; Sampson Read, Hartford; Daniel Rogers, 
Windham; George P Sewall, Oldtown; Putnam Si- 
monton, Searsport; Jesse Smart ,Troy; Turner Smith, 
Northfield; David Smith, Vinalhaven; Thomas B 
Spalding, Milo; Joseph Spear, Warren; Chas Spof- 
ford, Deer Isle; Ziba Thayer, Paris; Arthur Treat, 
Waldo; Aaron True, Litchfield; Isaac Tucker, Gar- 
diner; Silas L Waite, Sidney: Tobias Walker, Ken- 
nebunk;JasC Warren, Detroit; Josiah Webster, 
Glenburn; Daniel Wentworth, Knox; R Wentworth, 
Buxton; Nathan Weston, Jr, Orono; Geo N White, 
Montville; Wm Winter, Carthage; D S Witham, 
Concord; Nathan Worthing, Palermo; Christopher 
Young, Union. Jones Greene, Byron. 

In the House of Representatives, June 13, 1849, 



18 



them on the 25 th of July, without altera- 
tion, bj the vote of every Senator present, 

Mr. Appleton of Bangor by leave laid on the table the 
following resolve — 

RESOLVE RELATIVE TO SLAVERY. 

Whereas the people of Maine regard slavery with 
feelings of profound abhorrence; as conflicting with 
the great principles of freedom and free government, 
detrimental to political progress, and ought not to be 
upheld or sanctioned in the capital of our glorious 
Union, the very sanctuary of Liberty; therefore 

Resolved, That our Senators and Representatives 
in Congress be requested to use their utmost influence 
to abolish slavery and the slave trade in the District 
of Columbia by all constitutional means. 

On motion of Mr. Sewall of Oldtovvn the rules were 
suspended and the resolves read once. 

On motion of the same gentleman, the rules were 
again suspended and the resolves read a second time. 

On motion of the same gentleman the yeas and nays 
were ordered and the resolve was passed, yeas 112; 
nays 14 — as follows. 

Yeas. — Constant R Abbott, Bucksport; Moses L 
Appleton, Bangor; Asaiah Avery, Exeter; Joseph 
Bachelor, Monroe; E F Baker, Steuben; Thomas 
Baker, Waterville; Edward Bean, Charleston; Saml 
Belcher, Farmington; Alden Boynton, Wiscasset; 
Moses Bradbury, Biddeford; James Brown, Dayton 
plantation; David Bryant, Windsor; Isaiah Bruce, 
Patricktown; Thomas P Bunker, Maxfield; Henry 
Carter, Portland; Sam'l Clark, Pittston; John C 
Cochran, E Thomaston; Wm S Cochran, Waldo- 
boro'; George Cox, Vassalboro'; Joseph Curtis, New 
Castle; William Curtis, Brunswick; Jas B Dascomb 
Bloomfield; Josiah Day, 2d, Leeds; Geo W Duncan, 
Bath; Henry T Emery. Eastport; John Fogg, Etna; 
Royal Fogg, Monmouth ; Wm L Foote, South Ber- 
wick; Phinehas Foster, Marrion; Geo M Freeman, 
York; Francis Fuller, Winthrop; Sam'l Furlong, 
Calais; Benj A Gardner, Charlotte; Sam'l Gould, 
New Portland; Jonas Greene, Byron; Eben'r Green- 
leaf, Westport; Levi Guptill, Belgrade; John R Ha- 
ley, Kittery; Dan'l Hall, Gray; Elias Ham, Shap- 
leigh; Alonzo Hamilton, Saco; Oliver Hanscom, 
Lebanon; George Hathaway, Addison; Wm Hesketh, 
Bowerbank; Nath'l Hilton, Wells; Isaac M Hobbs, 
N Berwick; John Hodgdon, Lincolnville; Amasa 
Hol.man, Dixfield; Isaac S Hooper, Cambridge; 
Dav'us Howard, Phillips ; Horace P Hubbard, Tops- 
ham; David Huston, Bristol; John Hutchinson, Cor- 
inna; N H Ingalls, Bluehill; Warren Johnson, Wel- 
lington; Thomas Johnson, N Gloucester; Wentworth 
Jordan, Webster; Joseph Kinsman, Cornville; Jabez 
Knowlton, Newburg; Henry Leach, Smithfield; Thos 
B Lincoln, China; Thos Littlefield, Auburn; Nathan 
M Lard, Newfield; H B Lovejoy, Fayette ; Joseph 
Mahoney, Searsmont; James Mann, Gorham; Jacob 
Marston, Parsonsfield; Robert Martin, Poland; Henry 
Mason, Porter; Jas McGown, Ellsworth; Cephas 
Meeds, Limington; Elisha Merriam, Belmont; Wm 
Merriam, Camden; Jena C Merrill, Durham; HL 
Morrison, E Livermore; Stephen Myrick, Jr, Lewis- 
ton; Joel N evens, Carmel; Jas W North," Augusta; 
C B Norton, Industry ; Jas Percy, Arrowsic; Xime- 
nes Philbrick, Buckfield; N D Phillips, Orrington; 
Dan'l Pntnam, Belfast; Henry C Read, Norway; 
Sampson Read, Hartford ; Dan'l Rogers, Windham; 
Geo P Sewall, Oldtown; Putnam Simonton, Sears- 
port; Turner Smith, Northfield; Joseph Spear, War- 
ren; Chas Spoflbrd, Deer Isle; Sam'l Sweetser, N 
Yarmouth; John C Talbot, Jr, Lubec; Ziba Thayer, 
Paris; Francis Thibodeau, Madawaska; Arthur 
Treat, Waldo; Elisha Trowbridge, Portland; Aaron 
True, Litchfield ; Thomas Trull, Sweden; Isaac N 



being 30 of the 31 in number ; and the 
House passed them on the 27th of July by 
a vote of 94 to 20 ; notwithstanding the 
Governor's objections ! 

Well might Ephraim K. Smart, and oth- 
er signers of the Democratic Address, ex- 
claim — " In the attempt to extend the blight 
of slavery over the free lands of the nation, 
the Sturdy Republicans of Maine, in 
common with the patriotic of the whole 
Union, WILL DEMAND A HALT ! — 
In this they ask NOTHING SECTION- 
AL! They only ask what they believe to 
be fair, and bight, and JUST to all sec- 
tions ! " 

In view of such a record— a record in which 
the pride of all our citizens, of all parties, 
should enlist unhesitatingly to make immu- 
table, the Eastern Argus, too, might wel 
exclaim — 

"It is a position fully sustainable, and in 
entire accordance with the sentiments of the 
great boby of the democratic party in Maine, 
and in fact, of the North generally." 

Let us.one and all.hold this record high up; 
and, before the country, and before man, and 
before God, let us proclaim, that we deem 
it sacred to humanity, and that we will be 
true to it in Maine, let who else may turn 
traitor to the cause of Freedom ! [Great 
applause and shouts of "we will ; we will !J 
Fellow Citizens, I have but few brief 
inquiries to submit to you, before I retire. 
And first, let me ask, who is it that now 
demands that we should no longer halt, but 
that the democracy of Maine, even, shall 
with quickened march, persevere "in the at- 
tempt to extend the blight of slavery over 
the free lands of the nation ?" 

A few party leaders, claiming to repre- 
sent in Convention at Cincinnati "the sturdy 
Republicans of Maine !" They, too, never 



Tucker, Gardiner; Silas L Waite, Sidney; Tobias 
Walker, Kennebec; Sam'l Welster, Jr, Waterboro' ; 
Daniel Wentworth. Knox; R Wentworth, Buxton; 
Nathan Weston, Jr, Orono; Geo N White, Mont- 
ville; Benj 1 Wilson, Casline; Wm Winter, Car- 
thage; D S Witham, Concord; Nathan Worthing,, 
Palermo; Christopher Young, Jr, Union. 



\ 



19 



until the Convention holden in June, 1856 } 
at Cincinnati, heard the impudent request 
made within the limits of Maine, in the 
name and authority of any party, or party 
Convention, that Maine should turn upon 
her heel against Freedom to support human 
slavery ! 

To show this, more conclusively, let me 
for a moment call your attention to the 
reading of the only sentiment which the 
party leaders of the now Buchanan party, 
dared to enunciate in their State Conven- 
tion, holden at Augusta on the 21st day of 
June, 1855— a few days more than one year 
since. Their resolution reads : 

5. Resolved, That the National Admin- 
istration by its faithful execution of the 
lawa ; by its adherence to the constitution ; 
by its admirable foreign policy and by its 
resolute maintenance of the old land marks 
of the Democratic party, will command the 
respect and support of all true men. It be- 
ing understood, that this approval of the 
National Administration is expressive of no 
opinion in relation to the repeal of the Mis- 
souri Compromise." 

Here then is the proof.that one year since, 
only, so uniform had been the opinion, the 
convictions, the creed of the democracy of 
Maine against the policy of suffering slavery 
to extend into free territory, that even their 
party leaders did not dare present a resolu- 
tion in their Convention, that might be con- 
strued that way, without affixing to it a 
caveat, a proviso, an avowed understanding, 
that nothing of the kind should be imputed 
to the democracy of Elaine I 

This very resolution — the last on record 
in this State down to 1856, is a tribute to 
the firmness, to the intelligence, to the love 
of freedom, that has ever characterized the 
sturdy Republicans of Maine ! 

Then, I say, the record of Maine, of all 
parties in Maine, is clean, is uniform, is 
unstained and unquestionable, in favor of 
freedom, and against slavery, down to the 
year 1856 !* 

* The summerset now sought to be fastened up- 
on the democratic party of thiv State, by the fol- 



Shall it now be repudiated ? Shai. 
be dishonored? Shall it noxo be blotted ou- 

lowers of the Southern interests that ruled the 
Cincinnati Convention, and made Mr. Buchanan 
the nominee of that party, for the Presidency, is 
no less marked in principle, than by men in Maine 
who participate in the undertaking. 

For instance; in 1849. the democratic County 
Convention holden in Cumberland, passed unani- 
mously the following resolution : 

"Reiolved, That the Democracy of Cumber- 
land will adhere strictly to the old Jbfferso- 
nian creed, and strenuously resist any attempt 
to modify its character, by the addition of new 
articles; and therefore, THOUGH uncompro- 
misingly opposed to the introduction of slavery 
into free territory, it will never consent 

TO MAKE SUCH OPPOSITION A TEST OF P»- 
LITICAL ORTHODOXY." 

Now the democratic State Convention holden 
at Bangor on the 1st inst. resolve, " that the 

PEOPLE OF A TERRITORY LIKE THOSE OF A 

State, shall determine for themselves their own 
democratic institutions." 

Of course, then, the doctrine of the Cenvention 
of 1856 is, that it is competent for the people of 
territory that is free, and that is not yet a State, 
to legalize slavery in that territory, regardless of 
the will and judgment, and legislation of Con- 
gress ! 

It is remarkable, that Hon. Robert P. Dun- 
lap, who may, without disrespect, be denominat- 
ed a stereotype party democrat, and who presided 
at the Democratic State Conventien of 1856, was 
a delegate to, and presiding officer of the Cum ber- 
land County Convention of 1849, that passed 
unanimously, the above quoted resolution ! A nd 
the Hon. George F. Shepley, (who cannot as 
well be denominated a stereotype, as he may, a 
daguerreotype democrat, for he does not like Mr. 
Dunlap, exist in fixed metal, but in the refraction 
of political colors artistically blended;) was by 
this same Cumberland County Convention of 1849 
nominated for the office of Senator to the State 
Legislature of 1850, and was elected accordingly, 
and helped to elect Hon. Hannibal Hamlin 
to the United States Senate at that session of 1850; 
and yet was a delegate to the democratic State 
Convention of 1856, and was there one of the 
cheered speakers in ridicule of the Jefferson doc- 
trine of the sovereignty of Congress over the 
free territories! He, who in 1849, solemnly 
voted for the resolution, "strictly to adhere to the 
old Jeffersonian creed," aud to "strenuously 
resist any attempt to modify its character by the 
addition of new articles!" 

That it was a part of "the old Jeffersonian 
creed," that Congress had supreme legislative 
power over the legislation of the territories. I 
need only remind Mr. Dunlap and Mr. Shepley, 
and their Buchanan coadjutors, of th« historical 
fact that is undoubtedly well known to them, that 
Gen. Arthur St. Clair, of Revolutionary 
renown, was for fourteen years Governor of the 
northwestern territory; and that under Jefferson's 
administration, in 1804, he was removed from 
that office, EF^'for asserting the doctrine of terri- 
torial popular sovereignty, and denying the pow- 



20 



in support of Mr. Buchanan ? Of what is 
it supposed the Electors of Maine are made 
that this tergiversation is demanded of them ? 
Can they be wheeled about at the bidding 
of a few party leaders ? Who is there, of 
our fellow citizens, apart from office holders 
and office seekers, that is not interested in 
upholding the political reputation of the 
State ? Who among democrats, does not 
love to preserve the principles of that party 
uncontaminated by treachery ? If there are 
any who do so love that party's good name, 
they must in honor, in conscience, and upon 
principle, decline to support Mr. Buchan- 
an's election to the Presidency ! 

But for whose interest, let me next ask, 
is this sudden wheel about of the democratic 
party of Maine, and of the whig party of 
Maine, also, demanded ? 

By that of less than 350,000 slave hold- 
ers ia all the Union! And are they to con- 
trol at pleasure the principles, the policy, 
the consciences, and the government of up- 
wards of twenty millions of souls ? 

Are we in Maine to yield ourselves up, 
the flexible instruments to work out the 
purposes of these sectional slave holders ? 

For the mere hope of cheap cotton, are 
the manufacturers of New England to do 
this? 



er of Congress to impose certain conditions and 
restrictions upon the people of Ohio in the forma- 
tion of their State Government. "^Jgj 

But this is not all. The Whig County Conven- 
vention for Cumberland, holden August 23, 1849, 
and nominating Senatorial candidates for the Sep- 
tember election against Mr. Shepley and associate 
nominees, passed the following significant and de- 
cisive, and instructive resolutions, on the subject 
of slavery, viz: — 

"Resolved, That we cordially unite with all 
liberal, patriotic, and philanthropic hearts and 
minds in the community, whether they be whigs 
or democrats, in pronouncing for the perpetual 
freedom of all soil upon which the fatal stamp of 
slavery is not irrevocably infixed; that we see no 
difference between our principles on this point, and 
those of the most devoted to the cause of human 
rights, and uncompromising in their hostility to the 
extension of slavery, and determined in their res- 
olution to circumscribe, so far as it is not in their 
power to extinguish, this most hideous of all social 
calamities, and the most dreadful of political en- 
ormities, excepting only, the scourge of civil war." 



For the mere purpose of employing a few 
thousand tonnage of navigation in the 
freighting of that cotton, or of other pro- 
ducts of slave labor, are our ship owners, 
and merchants of Maine to surrender up 
their independence, and their humanity, to 
theso 350,000 slave owners ? 

And what else do these slave holders of 
the South, and their panders at the North, 
demand at our hands ? 

To aid them in converting the free soil of 
Kansas into a nursery of slavery. Yes, we 
of New England, who expend our public 
treasure, and our private munificence, in 
building up institutions of religion, of sci- 
ence, of benevolence and of education, we 
who by both our public moneys and private 
munificence, have aided in providing in our 
own State, or elsewhere, institutions for prac- 
tically making the blind, see, for making the 
deaf, hear, for making the dumb speak, for 
restoring the insane to reason, and even for 
searching out the hidden brain of the idiot- 
ic, and smiting it into active intelligence as 
the rock of old was smitten to gush forth the 
living waters to the thirsty multitude — we 
who are reared in the building up of these 
high and holy institutions of light, of knowl- 
edge, of benevolence and of moral culture, 
that the human soul may expand and grow 
in happiness — we are asked to forget and 
abandon all these noble impulses, and turn 
our backs to these great and glorious work s 
and lend our aid and our influence to these 
350,000 slave-holders in crushing out all the 
life of knowledge, all the uplifting of hu- 
man souls in the common territory of our 
country that is now free, and sink the souls 
of half the population which that territory, 
dedicated by nature and by God to freedom, 
is destined to support, into the depths of 
irredeemable darkness and ignorance ! Yes ; 
and our brothers, our relations, our neigh- 
bors, who have emigrated there, invited by a 
genial soil, and under the protection of a 
government of freedom, as they supposed, 



21 



have been compelled to abandon all these 
high and holy institutions, ignore their 
teachings to the heart of man, leave them 
all behind, and uphold the accursed influ- 
ences and teachings of human slavery and 
of slave-holders, or expose themselves to 
brutal massacre, and their property to the 
rapine of worse than thieves. The bones of 
some of our own citizens who have fallen in 
this delusive promise of democratic free 
dom in that land, are now bleaching there, 
hideous testimonials of a faithless and 
treacherous federal administration which is 
sought to be perpetuated in the election of 
Mr. Buchanan. Shall we perpetuate it? 
[Cries of no, 710.] 

But this — all this, we of Maine are asked 
to do and to submit to, thus suddenly, and 
after upholding for years, and writing upon 
our statute books for all eternity, such a 
proud, such a glrious record in favor of 
human freedom, as I have exhibited to you 
this evening ! 

In the name of God, may I not ask, if 
our people are capable of such degradation ; 
if they could thus suddenly become traitors 
to the cause of human liberty and republi- 



can government in our land ; if they could 
so tarnish the past, and be insensible to the 
shame of the present, and so reckless of the 
future, what vengance of heaven, though 
heated a hundred fold hotter than the light- 
ning that splinters and blasts the gnarled 
oak, would not be justly merited by them 
under Divine Providence ? 

Fellow Citizens, this huge sin must not 
be laid to our charge. As one people, with 
one mind, let us watch and preserve untar- 
nished, the glorious record of our State, and 
of its political parties, which the past em- 
blazons to the country, and to the world. — 
Our honor is involved in it. The pride of 
our children is in it ! And if others falter 
— if others are tempted — if others are false 
to liberty, false to humanity, false to the 
honest pledges of their own souls, let us 
dare to do that — let us dare pursue that, 
one, straightforward, patriotic course, in the 
cause of freemen and of liberty, for which, 
on the great final reckoning that awaits the 
world of mankind, we can rush fearlessly 
into the presence of Almighty God, and 
boldly claim, that we have been at all 

TIMES FAITHFUL TO LIBERTY, AND TO HU- 
MANITY ! 

[From the most intense and profound 
quiet, the vast throng of listeners to Mr. 
Smith's Speech burst forth at its conclusion 
in immense and reiterated applause.] 



"TIlC True Issue." millions of men, is much stronger than the 

We append the following article which constitution It would be far easier to 

. change or violate the constitution, than to 

appears under the above head in the Rich- abolish S i avery . Besides, slavery is older 

mond (V*.) Enquirer, the leading Demo- than the constitution, existed before it, and 

cratic paper, as we understand it, in the independently of it. We derive no right 

South. The sentiment of the article appears to our , slaves . from i'- and . wea ^n our 

r cause by seeming to relv r.n it. Nor will 

to be different from that which we read in it avail us aught t0 show ' that the negro is 

Northern Democratic journals, which gen- most happy and best situated in the condi- 

erally admit that slavery is an evil, but l i° n of Slavery. If we stop there, we 

maintains that the fact of its being so has weaken our cause by the very argument 

..,,,., , ... . „ intended to advance it; for toe propose to 

pract.cally little to do w,th the question of introduce into mw territory human beings 

its extension. There are in this article whom we assert to be unfit for liberty, self - 



some admissions which it may be safer to 
make in the Southern than in the Northern 
States, such for instance as that the 'aboli- 
tionists' (by which the Southern mean Re- 
publicans) 'are clearly right if Slauery be 
■morrally wrong ;' and that Northern Dem- 
ocrats cannot consistantly maintain that 
Slavery is moral, inexpedent and profane, 
and yet continue to submit to its extension.' 



government, and equal association with 
other men. We must go a step farther. — 
We must show that African Slavery is a 
moral, religeous, natural, and probably, in 
the general, ^necessary institution of socie- 
ty. This is the only line of argument that 
will enable Southern Democrats to main- 
tain the dectrines of State equality and 
Slavery extension. 

For if Slavery be not a legitimate, useful, 
moral, and expedient institution, we cannot 



It will be seen that the Enquirer openly without the reproof of conscience and the 

advocates the introduction of Slavery into blush of shame, seek to extend it, or assert 

new territory. But read the article : our equality with those States having no 

m, r> c ., . . ., such institution. 

The Democrats of the South in the pres- 
ent canvass cannot rely on the old grounds Northern Democrats need not go thus 
of defense and excuse for Slavery ;for they far. They do not seek to extend Slavery, 
seek not merely to retain it where it is, but but only agree to its extension, as a matter 
to extend it where it is unknown. Much of right on our part. They may prefer 
less can they rely on the mere constitutional their own social system to ours. It is 
guarantees of Slavery, for such reliance is right they should. Our friends are con- 
pregnant with the admission that Slavery is servatives at home and conservatives of the 
wrong, and but for the constitution should Union — conservatives of religion, of mar- 
be abolished. This constitutional argu- riage, of property, of State institutions, and 
ment for Slavery, standing alone, fully of Federal institutions. But whilst they 
justifies the abolitionists. They are clearly may prefer their own social system, they 
right if Slavery be morally wrong, for to will have to admit in this canvass that ours 
get rid of it under the constitution, or by is also rightful and legitimate, and sanction- 
amending the constitution, is confessedly ed alike by the opinionsjand usages of man- 
unpracticable. In truth, the constitution kind, and by the authority and expressed in- 
cannot help Slavery, if it be a violation of junctions of Scripture. They cannot con. 
the laws of God, and of morality. In that sistently maintain that Slavery is immoral, 
case, the constitution should secede, rather inexpedient and profane, and yet continue 
than continue to guaranty what they con- to submit to its extension, 
sider immoral and profane. The constitu- We know that we utter bold truths. — 
tion cannot help Slavery for another season. But the time has now arrived when their 
That institution extending through fifteen utterance can be no longer postponed. — 
States, and interramified with the interests, The true issue should stand out so boldly and 
the feelings, and the very existence of clearly that none may mistake it, 



23 

FOUR 'SFREESOIL" GEMS FROM "it is believed to be just and politic, and as 

^THF? I GUBE5NATORIAL , CAM-" " in n ° wa V interfering with the constitu- 

FAIGN OF 1849. "tional rights of the South. The free labor 

TFrom the Ace.l "of the republic has a direct interest in the 

, tvt *u ~ „ *:~>, ~r cU.,„^.,. "question, no less strong than any that the 

"Now as to the question of slavery a ,3 , .■ ,, ,=, J . , , 

, • , ,* r „ Mo= nrw i l„ 'south may have; and the same right that 
4 question that is before Congress and be- . ^ /. , ». 

<r a , j i- if ,„,«» v„ „, «. "the South has to promote that interest 

'fore the country, and which must be met „ .,, , . , f , - 

.- ., . ,. -, ( - . f ; „" "will be exercised by the free states to 
yfulht and dtreZU'/, So t ,r as tiie ••xien- . . „./ ., , , 

7 y r , . , ,• „ . . "promote theirs. 1 he empire that is about 

' sion of that institution is concerned, over ,,f . . . , . r TT . 

/• „: f u„. n „ n ,,; ra A „„ . "becoming absorbed in our Union, must 

"territory now free, either acquired or to ., , . *. , . , . ,,. , . ' 

. T • , . , ■ „_-i Jl;_; ' „* n "wot be yielded to the blight of s avery : 

"be acquired, -ae universal opinion of all .... . *. . » . i j . 

»• i ii ,.„ ;„ »w:= o Q /.;™ ^r ,u n that institution must not be extended to 

"parties and all men in this section ot the ... . - 

r • i • . t . 7 "the snore ot an immense ocean, over 

"country, is. such extension must not take u , , "" , ' . 

"place, either by the sanction or permission Vvhos0 , fut ' ,re fate the P resent *f. h ' ,B 

"oftheNatianal Government^ contro , N 1 a , ll0 , ns ? et unborn , Wl11 ha u ve 

J "cause to hold this age accursed, were this 

[From the Portland Argus.] **» be ^ Labor, whose dignity and in- 

L . • , . "appreciable influence, not merely as the 

"But we say, with all frankness, with Material architect of nations, but as the 

"firmness, and with a full consideration oj .« crealor of intellectual and social pros- 

"all the responsibility Jor the avowal, the .. pe rity, are based upon its freedom, would 

"Democracy of Maine ought not and ,< have cause forever to execrate such a la _ 

"WILL NOT SANCTION ANY VOTE WHICH WILL .< men table Step 3S this." 

"lead to the introduction into the 

"Union of another inch of slave ter- . 

"RIIORY." 



Slave States and Free States. 



[From the Bath Times.] There are fifteen slave States which cast 

..m, tvt .u r» , , , ,, • , , 120 electoral votes. There are sixteen 

"The Northern Democrats take the right f c , , ,. ■ ,,,,, , . * 

i m, j- i • i, j- •.• , tree states which cast 176 eectora votes, 
"ground. They disclaim all disposition to , . q, i . . . j 

,. & . ,- -,i i • ,, c /, ., . and yet Slavery is sought to be made na- 

"interlere with slavery in the States — that ,• , , w J , °. , 

c . J , tional and freedom sectional, 
"is a matter lor themselves to manage — rn, .■ o. »t 

, u , ., , , , & Ihere were six northern states, New 

"but they contend that slavery has no v i d i • rn.- ™ ■ , 

,.••., r., * -, York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Massachusetts, 

"claims in those parts of the country, either t •• , J m . • ,.' uo a ^ uu,Ci ^ 3 ' 

• . . u r ■ a u- u Indiana and Illinois, which represent 122 

"acquired or to be acquired, which are now , , , . , ' , . , , i 

..j./ 1 l electoral votes, and yet.although they alone 

..Tfcr' i j i tt constitute a majority over fthe electoral 

"Most sincerely do we hope our northern , f ., c •[. .*. . .. 7 , 

. ag tl o *u v, votes ot the South, it they, with the other 

"men may stand firm. The south has no , f r,, , ' f ;l .i n • 

., . . . , '■ , * . .. c i ten tree states vote for a Northern Presi- 

"right to ask for territory for slavery to , . ,. Q , , . ,. . 

,, ° j • j ,u at .i u * Ju» * dent, the South threatens disunion — and 

"spread in, and the North has no right to p-,, , , , .,, .. 

.' , ►■r^ a >» rillmore asks us here at Albany this ques- 

"grant such a request if made. ,• ., n .■ , . ,- l , 

fa n lion — "ban they have the madness or the 

ri? m a p if , d ki- t in "folly to believe that our Southern breth- 
|Lrom the Belfast .Republican Journal. 1 u u L * • , 
L il. J "ren would submit to be governed by such 
"The action of Mr. Wilmot, of Penn., at « a chief magistrate ?" 
"the last session of Congress, and the ap- For ourselves we' can see no "madness" 
"proval then extended to his proposed re- i n expecting a submission to a majority 
"stnction of slavery in new territory, and provided for by the constitution, and no 
"the similar course ot Mr. King, of N. Y., "folly" in the fact that States casting votes 
"(leading democrats,) at this session, we to the ratio of 22 to 15 should elect any 
"believe correctly represents the demooralic person ot their choice who is eligible to 
"sentiment of the North. It is an expres- that office under our fundamental faw. 
'sion of democratic sentiment, too, at an j^Let some one give a reason for the sub- 
opportune moment for we cannot think mission of the North to the South. The 
"that any discussion arising out of such a North has the most votes, the most wealth, 
"proposition should not at all interfere with the most schools, churches and colleges' 
"the vigerous presecution of the war ; and the North pays the most taxes ; she is 
"it will be sustained by the North, because strongest in every social and political inter 



24 



est in every social and political interest. — 
In productions and improvements she is 
superior. In peace she is more prosper- 
ous — in war she would be more powerful. 
'I he North advances the fame of free in- 
stitutions, while the South keeps alive 
their reproach. 

There is no reason for any such submis- 
sion. On the contrary, it is degrading to 
our country and to ourselves. It would 
not be asked unless it were for the purpose 
of aiding slavery — by increasing the value 
of slaves, and that alone is sufficient rea~ 
son for asserting our simple right to the 
supremacy. Instead of doing so base a 
thing, let us catch up the motto of Brutus 
and all cry — "Peace ! Freedom ! and Lib- 
erty !" — Albany State Register. 



Hear Daniel Webster ! 

MR. WEBSTER, in the year 1837, in a speech 
in Niblo's Garden, New York, discussed the Slav- 
ery question at length, and spoke of the danger of 
its extension. After remarking that "Congress had 
no power over in the States already in the 
Union," he said,: — 

"But when we come to speak of admitting new 
States, the subject assumes an entirely different aspect. 
Our rights and our duties are then both different. 

The free States, and all the States, are then at liberty 
to accept or to reject. When it is proposed to admit 
new members into this political partnership, the old 
members have a right to say on what terms such new 
partners are to come in, and what they are to bring 
along with them In my opinion, the people of the 
United States will not consent to bring iuto the Union 
a new, vastly extensive, and s'avebolding country, 
large enough for a halt a dozen or a dozen States. In 
mv opinion they ought not to consent to it." 

MR. WEBSTER in 1848, in the U. S. Senate, 
when discussing the Oregon Bill, said : — 

"I have said that I shall consent to no extension of 
the area of Slavery upon this continent, nor to any in- 
crease of Slave representation in the other House of 
Congress. I have now stated my reasons for my con- 
duct and my vote. We of the North have already 
gone, in this respect, far beyond all that any Southern 
man could have expected, or did expect, at the time of 
the adoption of the Constitution. I repeat the state- 
ment of the fact of the creation of five new slavehold- 
ing States out of newly-acquired teiritory. We have 
done that which, if those who framed the Constitution 
had foreseen, they never would have agreed to Slave 
representation. We have yielded thus far, and we 
have now in the House of Representatives twenty per- 
sons voting upon this very question, and upon all other 
questions, who are there only in virtne of the represen- 
tation of slaves." 

The speech from which we have iust quoted, 
concludes with the following emphatic words : — 

"I have made up my mind, for one, that under no 
circumstances will I consent to the further extension 
of the area of Slavery in the United States, or to the 



further increase of slave representation in 
the House op Representatives." 

MR. WEBSTER in his celebrated "7th of 

March speech," in 1850, said: — 

"it has happened that, between 1837 and this time, on 
various occasions, I have expressed my entire opposi- 
tion to the admission of new Slave States, or the ac- 
quisition of Slave Territories, to be added to the United 
States. I know, sir, no change in my own sentiments 
or my own purposes, in this respect." 

In this same speech, when Mr. Webster ex- 
pressed his willingness to forego the exercise of 
the Congressional prohibitive power for Utah and 
New Mexico, "because Slavery was excluded 
from them by the law of God," he took care to add 
the following emphatic words : — 

"Sir, wherever there is a substantive good to be done, 
wherever there is a foot of land to be prevented from 
becoming slave territory. I am ready to assert the prin- 
ciple of the exclusion of Slavery. I am pledged to it 
from the year 1837; I have been pledged to it again 
and again; and I will perform those pledges." 

And again, in a subsequent speech on the Com- 
promise Bill, made on the 17th of June of the 
same year, MR. WEBSTER said : - 

"And here let me say that neither here nor elsewhere 
has anything been advanced to show that on this sub- 
ject I have said or done anything inconsistent, in the 
slightest degree, with any speech, or sentiment, or letter 
or declaration, that I ever delivered in my life; and all 
would be convinced of this if men would stop to con- 
sider and look at real differences and distinctiors." 

In his letter to Robt. H. Gardiner, and others, 

citizens on the Kennebec, written in June 1850, 

MR. WEBSTER said :— *- 

"Gentlemen, one of the exciting questions of the 
present moment respects the necessity of excluding 
Slavery, by law, from the territories lately acquired 
from Mexico. If I believed in ant such necessity, 
1 should, of course, support such a law. 1 could 
not do otherwise, consistently with opinions very 
many times expressed, and which opinions I have no 
inclination tu change, and shall not change." 

In the summer of 1851, only one year before his 
death, MR. WEBSTER delivered a speech at 
Buffalo, N. Y., from which the following are ex- 
tracts : — 

"Now, gentlemen, permit me to say that I speak of 
concessions. If the South wish any concession from 
me, they will not get it ; not a hair's breadth of it. II 
they come to my house for it, they will not find it, and 
the door will be shut; I concede nothing. But I say I 
will maintain for them, as I will maintain tor you, to 
the utmost of my power, and in the face of all danger, 
their rights under the constitution, and your rights 
under the constitution." 

Ae;ain, in the same speech he said : — 
"My opinion remains unchanged, that it was not 
within the original scope or design of the constitution, 
to admit new States out of foreign territory ; and, for 
one, whatever may be said af the Syracuse Convention, 
or at any other assemblage of insane persons, I never 
would consent, and never have consented, that there 
should be one foot of slave territory beyond what the 
old thirteen States had at the formation of the Union. 
Never, never ! The man cannot show his face to me, 
and say that he can prove that I ever departed from 
that doctrine. He would sneak away and slink away, 
or hire a mercenary press to cry out — What an apostate 
from liberty Daniel Webster has become ! But he 
dows himself to be a hynoorite and a falsifier. '' 



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